Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Adolescents are spending considerable time on social media, yet it is unclear whether motivations for social media use drive different forms of social media... 相似文献
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Little is known about the developmental course of informant discrepancies in adolescent aggressive behavior problems, though whether aggression increases or... 相似文献
During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding
the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely
aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward
orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the
potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both
economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China
if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however,
the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the
Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all
of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities
is the primary focus of this paper.
World history has known areas of relative isolation and areas of high intensity of cultural interaction. The Mediterranean
Sea, the Silk Road or the Straits of Malacca can be cited as such crucial contact zones. Within these areas, centres sprung
up that served as interfaces between cultures and societies. These “hubs” as we would like to call them, emerged at various
points throughout the contact zones, rose to prominence and submerged into oblivion due to a variety of natural calamities
or political fortunes. This paper assesses the rise and fall of trade and knowledge hubs along the Straits of Malacca from
before colonialisation until today. Historical hubs of maritime trade and religiosity today increasingly establish themselves
as educational and knowledge hubs. This leads us to speak of the Straits of Malacca as a chain of—not pearls—but knowledge
hubs with Singapore as the knowledge hub in the region shining the brightest of all, as the data suggest. We aim to conceptually
grasp this development by suggesting a model or at least a hypothesis about the rise and movement of knowledge hubs in general.
Many scholars assert that international institutions have little power to enforce laws, punish offenders, or force compliance.
Others stress that international institutions are important actors, specifically in the regulation of international trade.
In this paper, I show that the recent trade dispute over U.S. steel protection provides us with a critical case to evaluate
the role of the World Trade Organization in settling trade disputes and specifically stabilizing expectations of market actors
over future steel policy. I argue that stock prices can serve as an important tool in answering these questions. In an empirical
analysis using daily steel stock prices, I find that during the 2002 WTO steel case, the WTO dispute mechanism helped market
actors stabilize expectations of future trade policy.
There is a dearth of information on the mutual interaction between metal intoxication and adipocere formation. Herein, 40 adult female albino rats were distributed into two equal groups, one used as control while the other orally administered single dose of cadmium chloride (CdCl2) 225 mg/kg·bw (LDmin). Control group was killed by cervical dislocation. Half of dead rats of both groups were subjected for determination of iodine value and estimation of cadmium (Cd) residues while the other half of both groups were submerged in opened glass container previously filled with 4 L dechlorinated tap water kept in closed room with an open air access (one cadaver/container). Gross morphological changes of submerged cadavers were recorded weekly along the experiment. At the end of the experiment, after 3 months, samples were collected again for iodine value determination and estimation of Cd residues. The obtained results revealed the depressant effect of Cd toxicity on development of adipocere. Cd residues were found in different tissues of cadavers at time of death with the highest amount in the intestines followed by the liver and kidneys, then lungs, adipose tissue, muscles, and finally the bones. After 3 months of water submersion, tissues exhibited significant decrease in the amount of Cd residues but to a limit that was still detected. This study concluded the possibility of detection of Cd residues even after adipocere formation. Additionally, it shed light on the possibility of the interference of environmental pollution with the natural rate of decomposition especially adipocere formation. 相似文献
China’s rise as a global power corresponded with a diminution of Taiwanese diplomacy, which has left Central America as the last region to host a continuous bloc of countries that recognize the ROC. In this article, we argue that China’s success in gaining diplomatic recognition from Taiwan’s former allies has largely resulted from China's economic policy, specifically its promises of large-scale infrastructure projects and the integration of Central American economies with Chinese markets. However, there are limits to how far China has advanced in gaining full recognition from the region. The competing political and economic interests of China, Taiwan, the United States, and the Central American countries themselves, continue to influence patterns of diplomatic switching. More specifically, we argue that the threat of punitive measures from the United States combined with a turn in Taiwanese diplomacy toward assistance efforts to combat Covid-19 may deter future switching in the short to medium-term. Our analysis offers case studies of four Central American countries (Costa Rica, Panama, El Salvador and Nicaragua) to illustrate the multi-year processes by which China’s economic strategy leads to diplomatic switching and examine the paths ahead for the remaining holdouts facing the prospect of economic and political penalties by the United States.