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RICHARD DAVIS 《政治交往》2013,30(3):323-332
In June 1989, when Chinese citizens were massacred at Tiananmen Square, and in August 1991, when antireform Communists attempted to lead a coup against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, the American public in unusually high numbers paid attention to the crises; the public s views on policy matters were recorded in public opinion surveys; press coverage of both crises was exhaustive; and elite opinion about U.S. policy was widely aired through the media, exposing the American public to the full spectrum of elite opinion. In both cases elite opinion (voiced in the media and measured through content analysis) was compared with public opinion (measured in public opinion surveys) to test the theories of Walter Lippmann and others that the elites lead public opinion about American foreign policy. In neither case could the dependence of mass opinion on elite opinion be demonstrated. The two bodies of opinion appear to have formed and been expressed in two different, nonoverlapping worlds. 相似文献
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Faced with legal animus or outright legal prohibitions on adoption, fostering, or surrogacy, gay men and lesbians could be deterred from family formation. In this article, we use 2000 U.S. Census data to assess the validity of this assumption by examining the effect of positive and negative family laws on the presence of children in the households of same‐sex unmarried partners. In doing so, we seek to assess whether formal law plays a central role in family formation outcomes for gay men and lesbians. Employing a multilevel analysis, we find that formal law, particularly negative formal law, appears to play little role in outcomes involving family formation. Formal law might, however, play a greater role when defining property or other legal rights, such as through second parent adoption. These findings are compatible with the notion that individuals are less likely to consult formal law in their everyday lives—particularly with regard to family matters—but are more likely to do so with regard to family issues concerning wills and estates, transfers of property, or other “business” matters. 相似文献
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AMANDA L. HOFFMAN 《European Journal of Political Research》2005,44(2):231-242
Abstract. The number of political parties and the type of electoral system may impact the level of democratic functioning within a government. Models are used to explore whether the number of political parties increases a country's democracy score on the POLITY IV measure of democracy, and whether countries with proportional representation electoral systems have higher democracy scores than those without. Multiple regression analysis reveals that countries with proportional electoral systems have higher democracy scores. Countries involved in the Third Wave of democracy may find the choice of an electoral system among the most important issues in structuring a democratic government. 相似文献
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MIKE DAVIS WOLE SOYINKA TARIQ RAMADAN GORAN ROSENBERG AKBAR AHMED GRAHAM FULLER FRANCIS FUKUYAMA SHIRIN EBADI MUHAMMAD SAHIMI HANS BLIX CHRIS PATTEN PERVEZ MUSHARRAF RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN CARLOS FUENTES JORGE CASTANEDA JOSEPH STIGLITZ FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO RAUL ALFONSIN MITSUKO SHIMOMURA AYAAN HIRSI ALI 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):70-71
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