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排序方式: 共有1444条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
David Córdova Seth J. Schwartz Jennifer B. Unger Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati Juan A. Villamar Daniel W. Soto Sabrina E. Des Rosiers Tae Kyoung Lee Alan Meca Miguel Ángel Cano Elma I. Lorenzo-Blanco Assaf Oshri Christopher P. Salas-Wright Brandy Piña-Watson Andrea J. Romero 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2016,45(10):2164-2177
52.
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Russell McGregor 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(2):215-229
The People the North Committee, founded in Townsville in 1962, was true to its name. It wanted to treble the population of northern Australia in a decade. Putting people before profits, the committee insisted that Australians had a moral obligation to prolifically populate their northern lands. Neither the ambition nor the rationale was new. In fact, the People the North Committee was the last gasp of a grand demographic aspiration that went back more than a hundred years. Thereafter, through to the present day, proposals for northern development have prioritised economic over demographic gains: profits before people. This article examines the ambitions and advocacy of the People the North Committee, setting them in the longer historical trajectory of the aspiration to people the north. In doing so, it offers a window onto a neglected facet of the nation‐building project in Australia. 相似文献
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Russell L. Riley 《Political studies》2009,57(1):187-206
Scholars who study the American presidency usually have to rely on indirect evidence for understanding the internal operations of the 'black box' that is a contemporaneous White House. Most of the direct evidence about White House behavior becomes available only after a president has left office, when confidential communications are opened to the public by the presidential libraries. In recent years, however, such direct evidence has become increasingly inaccessible, because of changes in the record-keeping habits of senior executive branch officials and because of the politics of archival release. This article explores the nature and extent of these problems, and how elite oral history interviewing can compensate for them. It further examines the strengths and weaknesses of oral history as a means of learning about the usually hidden workings of the American presidency. 相似文献
56.
Tobias Jung Tim Scott Huw T. O. Davies Peter Bower Diane Whalley Rosalind McNally Russell Mannion 《Public administration review》2009,69(6):1087-1096
Organizational culture is widely considered to be one of the most significant factors in reforming and modernizing public administration and service delivery. This article documents the findings of a literature review of existing qualitative and quantitative instruments for the exploration of organizational culture. Seventy instruments are identified, of which 48 could be submitted to psychometric assessment. The majority of these are at a preliminary stage of development. The study's conclusion is that there is no ideal instrument for cultural exploration. The degree to which any measure is seen as "fit for purpose" depends on the particular reason for which it is to be used and the context within which it is to be applied. 相似文献
57.
The purpose of this paper is to provide the definitional and empirical background to the Liberal Democracy Series I Index of democracy that is available in Bollen (1998) but whose rationale has not been published. More specifically, the paper (1) gives a definition of liberal democracy that has guided the formation of this index, (2) describes measures that correspond to this definition, (3) provides a measurement model that links the indicators of democracy to the latent variables that represent the concept, (4) explains the construction of the Liberal Democracy Series I Index, and (5) compares the Series I democracy measure to two other widely used democracy measures in a latent curve model. The Liberal Democracy Series I Index provides a simple unweighted measure of liberal democracy that minimizes the bias in expert ratings, is highly reliable and highly correlated with the latent liberal democracy variable. The evidenced reviewed here suggests that its measurement properties are superior to the Polity and Vanhanen democracy indices with the exception that it is available for a more limited period of years than these latter two. 相似文献
58.
Russell Jacoby 《Society》2009,46(1):38-44
Over twenty years ago my book The Last Intellectuals put into circulation the phrase “public intellectual.” The term unexpectedly enjoyed great success. It encapsulated a new
division between a professional or academic intellectual focused on his or her specialty and an intellectual orientated to
a larger public. The former tend to disappear into the university, while they latter write for the educated public. In the
twenty years since its publication, my book has been sharply challenged. Moreover the emergence of African-American and women
intellectuals, and well as new developments such as Internet, have possibly undermined my thesis. Yet these phenomena amount
to revisions, not refutations, of my thesis. Moreover the role of intellectuals in France and Germany suggest that the same
process of academization is taking place in other advanced industrial nations. What is called for is not nostalgia or its
opposite, a celebration of everything that happens, but a consideration of the real shifts that affect the lives and work
of intellectuals.
相似文献
Russell JacobyEmail: |
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60.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献