全文获取类型
收费全文 | 557篇 |
免费 | 21篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 43篇 |
世界政治 | 68篇 |
外交国际关系 | 39篇 |
法律 | 258篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 128篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 21篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 33篇 |
2016年 | 35篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 92篇 |
2012年 | 25篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 29篇 |
2009年 | 19篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 25篇 |
2006年 | 20篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 25篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有578条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
John Cawley Alex Susskind Barton Willage 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(4):1020-1042
In 2018, the U.S. adopted a nationwide law requiring that chain restaurants post calorie counts on their menus and menu boards. This has led to considerable interest in the extent to which providing calorie information leads consumers to choose healthier diets. To estimate the impact of calorie labeling, we conducted a randomized controlled field experiment in two full-service restaurants, in which the control group received menus without calorie counts and the treatment group received the same menus but with calorie counts. We estimate that the calorie labels resulted in a 3.0 percent reduction in calories ordered, with the reduction occurring in appetizers and entrées but not drinks or desserts. Exposure to the information also increased consumers’ support for requiring calorie labels by 9.6 percent. These results are informative about the impact of the new nationwide menu label requirement, and more generally contribute to the literature on the impact of information disclosure on consumer behavior. 相似文献
123.
124.
125.
Alex Danchev 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):579-595
This article focuses on one of the most potent ideas in world politics: the idea of an Anglo-American “special relationship.” It examines the use and abuse of this relationship, as cultural referent, rhetorical construct, and political imperative, during the long Cold War. It inspects the roots of specialness—the core conditions—in terms of belief and experience as well as need and opportunity. It warns of the hubris inherent in the presumption of specialness on the Churchillian model, a frame of reference (and a set of strategic contingencies) time-expired even before the expiration of the Cold War itself. 相似文献
126.
127.
In the UK, the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) has a poor track record of predicting attack. In the US, official inquiries into 9/11 identified ‘a failure of imagination’ to conceive of a large scale threat to the American homeland. There is a long-standing literature on surprise attack which emphasizes that clues to predict attack often exist but are not pieced together by an intelligence sector which is not structured to look in the right direction. In a world of increasingly fragmented threats and weak signals, it is apparent that much of the challenge in intelligence work now lies not in collection but in managing requirements, setting priorities, and conducting incisive analysis based on the ability to imagine new threats. One solution to a failure of imagination is to widen the range of people who can contribute to the task. Non-Governmental analysis of security issues, whether by academia, civil society or the private sector, can help to identify emerging issues and set priorities. Whilst collection of secret intelligence may always remain the preserve of specialist Government agencies, the rest of the intelligence cycle can benefit from external contributions and open source intelligence. We argue that the process of setting intelligence requirements could be opened to a wider range of actors. In conflict environments, there may be particular value in an open process to identify what each side would need to know about the other to confidently seek peace. 相似文献
128.
129.
Alex McDougall 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):322-345
The following article examines the relationship between state power and civil war in Colombia. It presents three key findings. First, state weakness has provided armed groups with the political opportunity for rebellion. In this respect, most rebel consolidation takes place in areas of Colombia that lack a strong state presence. Second, the growth and evolution of Colombia's armed groups are directly related to their ability to loot exportable natural resource commodities. In stateless areas of Colombia, rebel consolidation tends to take place in areas where the drug trade is also present. Third, the conditions of civil war have led insurgent groups to mimic some of the basic functions and attributes of statehood. Colombia's conflict is more than just a manifestation of popular frustration; indeed, this article shows that civil war is also a form of state-building. 相似文献
130.
Public Choice - How do individuals’ experiences with political violence affect their perceptions regarding the risk associated with hosting refugees? This is an important question given that... 相似文献