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51.
Mainstream academic and policy literature emphasizes the nexus between an active and vibrant civil society sector and greater political accountability. As a result, support for civil society has become central to international policy efforts to strengthen democracy in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region. However, the empirical evidence presented in this article questions the validity of this assumption. Drawing on information gathered through 38 in-depth qualitative interviews with women’s organizations from across the seven administrative regions of Turkey, and key representatives from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), this article analyses the role of the AKP government in co-opting and influencing women’s organizations in Turkey. The results that emerge demonstrate that the government is actively involved in fashioning a civil society sector that advances their interests and consolidates their power. Independent women’s organizations report that they are becoming increasingly excluded from policy and legislative discussions, as seemingly civic organizations are supported and often created by the government to replace them. These organizations function to disseminate government ideas in society and to provide a cloak of democratic legitimacy to policy decisions. These findings and their implications have significant consequences for theory and policy on civil society and its role in supporting democracy.  相似文献   
52.

In recent decades, corruption has become one of the main problems perceived by Spanish society. As a result, the country’s citizens are experiencing a high level of disenchantment with politics and a general loss of confidence in the way public institutions function. Although in the last few years more stringent laws have been brought in to speed up procedures and help pursue crimes of corruption, the fact of the matter is that they have done little to reduce these cases and so they are not enough to put an end to the problem. There is a strong likelihood that, if a positive morality and a strong mutual union between ethics and politics were in place, legal loopholes would not be used for individual profitmaking operations that make a mockery of justice and the common good. Because of this, and taking public ethics as a basis, this article will review and discuss Adela Cortina’s hermeneutic definitions “of maxima and minima” and Agustín Domingo Moratalla’s concept of “social justice” in order to suggest tools that can be applied in preventing and fighting against political corruption.

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Although the teaching of controversial issues in criminal justice can be a lively and rewarding experience, it can also be extremely challenging. Unlike subject matter in other disciplines, the subject matter of criminal justice is to some extent familiar to most reasonably well-informed citizens. Thus students in criminal justice classes will possess an awareness of many of the discipline's controversial issues, such as the value of capital punishment and the utility of the Miranda rules, and have their own views regarding these issues. Unfortunately, many of these views are strongly held, and students are sometimes unreceptive to critical examination of such issues because of the strength of their convictions. This paper describes an approach to overcome this obstacle to critical scrutiny of controversial issues in criminal justice. The general approach relies upon the use of historical material as a tool to make it easier for the student to master the important problems, concepts, and data which pertain to current justice system controversies.  相似文献   
55.
Since the 1940s, self-report technology has been utilized to improve our understanding of the frequency and distribution of crime and delinquency. Findings based upon self-reports have called into question the traditional class-based view of criminality. It is now apparent that middle- and upper-class young people are involved in delinquent activity, although the precise extent and nature of such involvement remains unclear. The research detailed in this report attempts to add to our understanding of class and illegal activities by examining a sample of Ivy League undergraduates for evidence of participation in serious forms of delinquency. It can be argued that such a sample is especially interesting both because these respondents represent the “best and the brightest,” and because they possess relatively advantaged positions regarding access to conventional kinds of power and success. The findings indicate that serious delinquency is by no means rare among these youth. Involvement in violence, however, appears to be relatively infrequent and weighted toward the less serious end of the continuum of violent delinquency. In addition, the delinquent activity of this sample was highly diverse. Even for the most serious offenders the results provide little evidence of offense specialization.  相似文献   
56.
The management of needs and risks in personality disordered offender populations has become a focus for health and criminal justice services in the UK. Recent studies demonstrate the effectiveness of schema focussed therapy (SFT) for patients with borderline personality disorder. This study was an exploratory trial of the feasibility of implementing SFT in a population of patients with personality disorder in a high secure hospital in England. Preliminary evaluations of the effects of SFT were conducted to investigate whether those receiving SFT demonstrated significant improvements on measures of anger, impulsiveness, schemata and interpersonal style. No significant effects were evident although there was a significant increase in defectiveness/shame schema in the SFT group. Lack of effectiveness of SFT is likely due to the preliminary nature of this study. Future trials of SFT need to ensure comprehensive therapist preparation, control of TAU, bigger samples, address attrition and provide more intensive therapy.  相似文献   
57.
Since the early 1990s support for civil society has constituted the linchpin of international efforts in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) to promote democratisation and democratic values. The rationale for this support lies in an understanding of civil society drawn from a liberal-democratic model, which dominates debates about civil society. This paper highlights the inaccuracies of this model when applied to the MENA and, using Turkey as an example, draws attention to the perils of supporting civil society organisations (CSOs) based on its conjectures. A critical analysis of CSOs and their role in Turkish society, drawing on the theoretical framework laid down by Gramsci, highlights two key issues: (1) contrary to the dominant policy view which equates civil society organisations with democracy, CSOs often assist elites in both democratic and undemocratic states to extend and consolidate their political economic power; (2) the idealisation of civil society by Western policy makers results in a diminished awareness of the factors which weaken civil society and erodes its democratic potential. Overall, the findings support the assertion that CSOs in the MENA facilitate predominantly elite interests over those of ordinary citizens and democracy more broadly.  相似文献   
58.
As conflict has at its basis a contest of ideas, values or resources between two or more groups, a comprehensive understanding of intergroup conflict must take into account the psychological processes that make groups and group behavior meaningful. Because individuals value and internalize identities relevant to their social, geographic, economic, historical and political positions, any devaluation, loss or imposed change to one of those identities is likely to be particularly threatening. The Social Identity Approach formulates an understanding of how these identity‐based motivations interact with social structures to predict intergroup conflict. Importantly, it also provides an explanation of how procedural justice mechanisms can be utilized to guide conflicting interests to common cooperative goals that can be accepted and pursued. By having representation and participation of relevant actors in the development of a shared identity, as is this case when nation states are formed or re‐created, threat is reduced, legitimacy built and the basis for positive intergroup relations created.  相似文献   
59.
The Parliamentary Powers Index (PPI) developed by Fish and Kroenig (2009) is the most important effort to date to measure legislative power in cross‐national perspective, but it has been criticized on both theoretical and methodological grounds. We build on the 32‐item PPI to develop an alternative indicator of legislative strength that is based on an expert survey of 296 political scientists in 2014. We reweight each of the powers by expert opinion, creating a new Weighted Legislative Powers Score (WLPS) for the 158 national legislatures in the Fish and Kroenig data set. In addition, the article reports the expert‐assigned weight factors for the entire set of 32 powers contained in the original PPI, thus allowing researchers to innovate alternative, disaggregated indicators of legislative power.  相似文献   
60.
Five years ago, the U.S. environmental legal market was in a state of uncertainty after the 2007–2008 financial crisis, Congress's failure to pass a comprehensive climate change bill, and the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. Since that time, the environmental job market has improved, and progress, particularly in addressing climate change and in facilitating renewable energy development, has been made at the state and federal levels. However, the election of President Trump in late 2016 and empowerment of a Congress hostile to environmental regulation threaten to undo many of the hard-fought environmental victories, especially at the federal level. New York State and its municipalities have the opportunity to lead—and New York environmental lawyers are ready to use creativity and innovation to tackle the complex environmental problems facing our communities and planet in this uncertain climate.  相似文献   
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