This article explores why Argentine president Fernando de la Rúa (1999–2001) failed to govern and the factors that prevented
him from compelting his constitutional mandate. This study draw on current literature about leadership. We argue that President
De la Rúa’s ineffective performance was characteristic of an inflexible tendency towards unilateralism, isolationism, and
an inability to compromise and persuade. Moreover, we examine how de la Rúas performance, in the context of severe political
and economic constraints, discouraged cooperative practices among political actors, led to decision-making paralysis, and
ultimately to a crisis of governance
This work seeks to make four contributions. First, it conceptualizes political leadership by providing an analytical framework
that integrates individual action, institutional resources and constraints, and policy context, thus filling a gap in the
literature. Second, it explains the importance of effective leadership in building up and maintaining multiparty coalitions
in presidential systems. Third, it complements existing institutional approaches to improve our understanding of a new type
of instability in Latin America: the failure of more than a dozen of presidents to complete their constitutional mandates.
Fourth, it analyzes the way political and economic variables interact in times of crisis.
Mariana Llanos is a researcher at the Institut für Iberoamerika-Kunde (IIK) in Hamburg, Germany, and teaches Latin American
politics at the University of Hamburg. Her research focuses on Latin American political institutions particularly to the president-congress
relations and the legislatures of the Southern Cone. She is the author ofPrivatization and Democracy in Argentina (Palgrave, 2002), co-author ofBicameralismo, Senados y senadores en el Cono Sur latinoamericano (ICPS, Barcelona, 2005, together with Francisco Sánchez and Detlef Nolte) and co-editor ofControle Parlamentar na Alemanha, na Argentina e no Brasil (KAS, Rio de Janeiro, 2005, with Ana María Mustapic), among other works.
Ana Margheritis is assistant professor of international relations and Latin American politics at University of Florida. Her
research interests are in international political economy, foreign policy, regional cooperation, and inter-American relations.
She is the editor ofLatin American Democracies in the New Global Economy (2003); author ofAjuste y Reforma en Argentina, 1989–1995 (1999); and co-author ofHistoria de las relaciones exteriores de la República Argentina (with Carlos Escudé et al., 1998) andMalvinas: Los motivos económicos de un conflicto (with Laura Tedesco, 1991), as well as of several articles in academic journals and book chapters.
The authors are grateful to Vicente Palermo and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. 相似文献
The Spanish Constitution protects the free investigation of the paternity on its 39.2 the article, in which is granted that possibility. This right is not absolute, it has limits, but those limits will have to be interpreted in a restrictive way due to the principles based on it, such as the legal equality of children, and the integral protection of them. In view of this, the sentences are a very valuable element to delimit the aplication of this right, and establish its limitations. 相似文献
At first glance it would appear that despite women's vital participation in peace-making processes, they are for the most part marginalised or belittled. However, moving away from the idea of women as outsiders and/or victims, we find evidence of their involvement in projects initiated and driven by them and/or in activities in which they work in equal roles alongside men. Many women in conflict areas are advocating and working effectively with approaches to lasting positive peace that transcend traditional male-dominated structures and ideologies. Large numbers of ordinary women, men, and children are working mostly behind the scenes to achieve justice and equality. Women are very much involved but get far less recognition than men. The scale and diversity of largely unacknowledged but effective grassroots peace efforts worldwide, particularly among women, requires much greater recognition by the international community. This article is based on a research project that uses an oral testimony approach and a multicultural perspective to give voice to women working in the field in a wide range of transformational processes. 相似文献
This paper investigates the predictors of natives’ perception of the immigrant threat in Romania, an interesting site given immigrants’ marginal presence in the total population and the sizeable proportion of co-ethnic immigrants. Yet the interplay between nationalism and religion shapes an ideological frame that favours unwelcoming attitudes towards immigrants that challenge the Romanian identity forged along ethnic and religious ties. The authors used regression to analyse immigrant threat according to several dimensions: cosmopolitanism, group conflict and intergroup contact. In order to reflect specificities of this particular context, the latter dimension is conceptualized so as to include active and passive contact with immigrants. This distinction is relevant because of immigrants’ low presence in Romania. Findings suggest that variables from conflict theory explain more of the variation in the perceived threat, while indirect contact through mass-media exposure to immigrant content has the potential to reduce the perception of immigrant threat. 相似文献
This article explores the relationship between the Emberá–Wounaan and Akha Indigenous people and organized crime groups vying for control over natural resources in the Darién Gap of East Panama and West Colombia and the Golden Triangle (the area where the borders of Laos, Myanmar (Burma), and Thailand meet), respectively. From a southern green criminological perspective, we consider how organized crime groups trading in natural resources value Indigenous knowledge. We also examine the continued victimization of Indigenous people in relation to environmental harm and the tension between Indigenous peoples’ ecocentric values and the economic incentives presented to them for exploiting nature. By looking at the history of the coloniality and the socioeconomic context of these Indigenous communities, this article generates a discussion about the social framing of the Indigenous people as both victims and offenders in the illegal trade in natural resources, particularly considering the types of relationships established with dominant criminal groups present in their ancestral lands.
The objective of this study was to investigate psychological or physical violence associated with the use of alcohol, in residences
of individuals in Brazil and, also describe the social characteristics of aggressors and victims. Therefore, this study expects
to contribute to studies in Brazil that seek to clarify the relations between alcohol and violence in residences. A total
of 454 respondents, 12–65 years old, were assessed, they were sorted by the Kish method, and the residences randomly. The
SAMHSA questionnaire was utilized after translated and adapted to Brazilian conditions. 26% of the individuals reported psychological
violence, and 16% reported physical violence. The study’s main results set the differences in the reports for physical violence
(OR 7, 95% CI: 4–13) and psychological violence (OR 5, 95% CI: 3–8) in residences where someone arrived or became intoxicated
with alcohol (P < 0.05). 50% of the aggressors were under the effects of alcohol, and 77% of the victims were relatives of their aggressors.
Acts of violence are not necessarily associated with alcohol consumption. Men and women reported acts of domestic violence;
psychological violence was the most prevalent form. Men are currently the primary aggressors, while women are primarily the
victims 相似文献