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Child support is always a difficult area of public policy, balancing the sometimes competing needs of children, resident and non‐resident parents and the state. This article provides a relatively rare insight into some of the processes involved in developing the new Australian Child Support Scheme (CSS), which will commence full operation in July 2008. In particular, this article shows how microsimulation modelling was used by the Ministerial Taskforce on Child Support and the government in the policy reform process. The availability of such sophisticated distributional analysis and modelling allowed the development of a comprehensive picture of how the reforms would affect CSS clients, thereby facilitating the adoption of major policy change. This article also provides a blueprint for policy‐makers of how modelling can facilitate their policy development processes.  相似文献   
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At first glance it would appear that despite women's vital participation in peace-making processes, they are for the most part marginalised or belittled. However, moving away from the idea of women as outsiders and/or victims, we find evidence of their involvement in projects initiated and driven by them and/or in activities in which they work in equal roles alongside men. Many women in conflict areas are advocating and working effectively with approaches to lasting positive peace that transcend traditional male-dominated structures and ideologies. Large numbers of ordinary women, men, and children are working mostly behind the scenes to achieve justice and equality. Women are very much involved but get far less recognition than men. The scale and diversity of largely unacknowledged but effective grassroots peace efforts worldwide, particularly among women, requires much greater recognition by the international community. This article is based on a research project that uses an oral testimony approach and a multicultural perspective to give voice to women working in the field in a wide range of transformational processes.  相似文献   
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The infusion of election observation in the political landscape of the Caribbean has presented a range of trends and reactions. Some countries, such as Guyana, have had a more entrenched and controversial history with observation than others. Guyana was the first Caribbean country to have had international observers. This paper presents a survey of the case of Guyana between 1964 and 2001. The article outlines all the observed elections in Guyana during this period with reference to issues of logistics, size, duration and the actors involved. It also assesses the outcomes of international observer presence in these elections and explores the implications for Guyana’s efforts to display acquiescence to the norm of holding free and fair elections.  相似文献   
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