Gender Quotas for Corporate Boards: Depoliticizing Gender and the Economy

Gender quotas for corporate boards can be seen as a way of drawing attention to gendered power within the economy as well as a way to democratize the economy, yet the debate about them has focused on the economic and business benefits of gender equality rather than on gender justice or democracy. This article examines how women’s under-representation in economic decision-making was constituted as an economic problem in the European Union’s gender-equality policies and how the economization of the debate on gender quotas for corporate boards affects understandings of gender equality and the economy. The article contributes to research on gender and neoliberalism through developing an approach for analysing the depoliticizing effects of economized gender-equality discourses. It argues that the depoliticized understandings of gender and the economy put forward in the debate water down the politicizing potential of the proposed EU gender-balance directive and that the debate about gender quotas has enhanced the neoliberalization and corporatization of EU gender-equality discourse.     

Women in parliament: assessing the effectiveness of gender quotas in Poland

Gender quotas aim to increase women’s parliamentary representation. However, the effectiveness of quotas varies. This article explores this issue further by examining the case of Poland, where gender quotas were introduced in 2011. The Polish case presents an interesting puzzle. Although the overall number of women candidates increased almost twofold in comparison with the pre-quota period, this translated into only a slight increase in the number of women deputies in 2011 and 2015. Hence, the impact of quotas was limited. However, the partisan analysis shows that there was a significant variation among individual parties: whereas some parties promoted wholeheartedly women’s access to political office, other parties did not facilitate it. By drawing on rational choice institutionalism, this article shows that institutions and preferences of political parties matter for the effectiveness of gender quotas. In the case of ineffective gender quota policy, political parties have a final say in women’s parliamentary representation.     

Transnationale Migration jenseits von Assimilation und Akkulturation

Classic theories of migration describe international migration as one-way movements and investigate the cultural adjustment of migrants into a “majority society”. Contrary to this view, the article raises the question of new conceptual possibilities to describe migrants’ assimilation and acculturation without conceptually focusing on a nation-state frame. In doing so, it makes reference to theories of transnational migration which define migration as a circular process connecting both sending and receiving contexts. This perspective enables, first, to analyze “structural assimilation” as multiple simultaneous inclusions of individuals into societal institutions in different nation-state locations. Secondly, it suggests to consider acculturation as a cultural adjustment of migrants’ knowledge patterns, which goes hand in hand with the maintenance of cultural “otherness”.     

Damoklesschwert Referendum? Die indirekte Wirkung ausgebauter Volksrechte auf die Rechte religiöser Minderheiten

Die indirekte Wirkung der Volksrechte auf den parlamentarischen Prozess bleibt gerade im Bereich der Minderheitenrechte meist unberücksichtigt. Anhand der Analyse von Anerkennungsprozessen für religiöse Minderheiten in den Schweizer Kantonen soll ein Beitrag zur Schliessung dieser Lücke geleistet werden. Es wird argumentiert, dass Parlamente prinzipiell minderheitenfreundlicher entscheiden als das Volk, wenn es sich um schlecht integrierte Minderheiten handelt – drohende Referenden können diesen Effekt jedoch verringern. Die systematische Analyse der entsprechenden Parlamentsprozesse mittels einer Fuzzy Set‐QCA zeigt auf, dass Minderheitenrechte eher innerhalb von Totalrevisionen von Verfassungen umgesetzt werden, in denen keine Debatte über eine mögliche Ablehnung durch das Volk geführt wurde. Restriktive Regelungen entstehen hingegen, wenn diese Gefahr der direkten Demokratie thematisiert wurde. Zudem spielt der Islam eine besondere Rolle – allerdings führt er nur dann zu restriktiveren Regelungen, wenn befürchtet wird, dass eine Öffnung gegenüber Muslimen die Ablehnung der Vorlage durch das Volk zur Folge haben könnte.     

Diversifying British Political History

This article explores what the diversification of British political history might look like. Building on an expanded definition of citizenship and attention to ‘ordinary’ politics, it suggests several questions which might diversify political history's content and approach. Whom do we count as political actors? Who has access to democratic processes and where does politics happen beyond these processes? To what forms of political thought do we attend? Drawing on examples from my own research on refugees and asylum seekers in modern Britain, and on the wider field of modern British history, I demonstrate the possibilities of diversification as a way to enliven political history's future.     

The Politicization of Marriage in Contemporary American Public Policy: The Defense of Marriage Act and the Personal Responsibility Act

The sexuality politics terrain in the United States is currently marked by a complex and contradictory set of developments‐non-traditional family structures are becoming more common, popular opinion is moving in a more tolerant direction, and the lesbian and gay rights movement has enjoyed some victories, but conservative family values and patriarchal heterosexual marriage have been vigorously promoted by influential right-wing social movements and more deeply institutionalized through important public policy initiatives and court decisions. This article considers the theoretical implications of these developments with respect to the conceptual approaches to citizenship and sexuality. It then analyses two major pieces of federal legislation in depth: the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and the Personal Responsibility Act (PRA). DOMA effectively encourages the states to ban same-sex marriages. The PRA is generally considered as a welfare 'reform' law that imposes compulsory 'workfare' schemes and time limits for benefit recipients. It nevertheless has a significant sexual regulation dimension. Both the religious right's campaign against same-sex marriage and the welfare reformers' attack on the rights of single mothers contribute to a reactionary politicization of marriage. In conclusion, the article contends that it is only insofar as lesbian and gay rights issues are understood more broadly as but one aspect of sexual regulation and citizenship rights struggles that we can develop more effective ways of advancing the sexual liberation movement as a whole.     

Nitrous Oxide Determination in Postmortem Biological Samples: A Case of Serial Fatal Poisoning in a Public Hospital*

Abstract: In a public hospital, eight cases of fatal poisoning by nitrous oxide (N₂O) occurred under oxygen administration, due to an erroneous swapping of the lines in the gas system. The aim of the study was to clarify the factors involved in asphyxia by characterizing gases from different lines and measuring N₂O concentrations in postmortem biological samples from bodies exhumed. Analyses carried out on the gas system confirmed the erroneous substitution of O₂ line with N₂O and air line with O₂. Consequently, high N₂O amounts were revealed in several tissues and gaseous biological samples. All specimens were analyzed by headspace gas chromatography technique. A rigorous quantitative analysis was possible only in blood (11.29–2152.04 mg/L) and urine (95.11 mg/L) and in air samples from stomach and trachea (from 5.28 to 83.63 g/m³). This study demonstrates that N₂O can be detected in biological samples even 1 month after death.     

Tabet v Gett: the end of loss of chance actions in Australia?

This article critically analyses the recent High Court decision in Tabet v Gett (2010) 84 ALJR 292; [2010] HCA 12 which considered whether a person should be able to obtain compensation on the basis of a loss of a chance of a better medical outcome. The appellant argued that the High Court should regard a plaintiff as entitled to compensation when a breach by a defendant of their duty of care causes the plaintiff to lose a possibility, but not a probability, of a better medical outcome. The High Court held that it was not possible for a person in the position of the appellant to obtain compensation for the loss of a chance of a better medical outcome.     

Innovation after the revolution: foreign sovereign bond contracts since 2003

The first 150 words of the full text of this article appear below. Key points

• In 2003, under official pressure, amendment provisionsin standard form New York law sovereign bond contracts shiftedto resemble English law boilerplate.
• Market participants andofficials expected contracts in New York and London to convergearound a common formulation.
• Contrary to expectations, theshift away from old boilerplate did not lead to convergencearound new boilerplate.
• Issuers in London, and to a lesserdegree in New York, are experimenting with diverse terms andinstitutional arrangements.
• Amendment provisions in recentissues have used hybrid formulations, permitting holders tovote in person or by written consent, with different approvalthresholds.
• More issuers are using trust structures.
• Creditorcommittees are making a qualified comeback, though the adoptionand formulation of committee provisons does not appear to trackissuers' credit quality.
• Not all issuers agree to pay committeeexpenses.
• Some issuers have agreed to require unanimous creditorconsent to amend litigation-related terms, . . . [Full Text of this Article]