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31.
Isabel Altamirano‐Jiménez 《Citizenship Studies》2004,8(4):349-365
This article explores the nature of Aboriginal demands for a citizenship regime grounded in a substantive recognition of cultural difference and inherent rights in Mexico and Canada. It provides an overview of the different evolution of Aboriginal citizenship in each country but focuses on two recent development projects, the Puebla Panama Plan in Mexico and the Mackenzie Valley pipeline in Canada. These cases demonstrate the ways in which neo‐liberal globalism is reshaping the substantive recognition of Aboriginal cultural difference and inherent rights. While contemporary neo‐liberal rhetoric recognizes cultural difference, the models of development employed effectively separate territory from the ideas of self‐government, culture and identity. The article concludes that the neo‐liberal turn in the construction of Aboriginal citizenship undercuts potentially much richer conceptions of Indigenous citizenship offered by the First Peoples of North America. 相似文献
32.
Anna Yeatman 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1998,57(4):138-147
The public sector should be designed to work on behalf of government. Government, in turn, should be designed to work on behalf of a citizen community both to pursue its collective interests and to defend the citizen community against harmful effects of private market activities. At this time, the integrity of the public sector/government has been eroded because the established forms of regulation of the market are outmoded. This has permitted transnational corporations to argue that government should respond more to their agendas often at the expense of citizen needs and claims. At the same time, citizen movements have become more diverse and sophisticated. They represent an opportunity for revisioning the work of government and the public sector. 相似文献
33.
It has often been claimed that the current allocation of votes among EU states is not fair. In this paper we verify this assertion by carrying out an evaluation of the distribution of power among the member states. The results show that the current distribution of votes for the qualified majority does not lead to a fair distribution of power whatever definition of the EU is considered. It can not be claimed however that the current voting process has a systematic bias in favor of certain states. We also present a simple method to derive voting weights which lead to a fair allocation of power. 相似文献
34.
康安娜 《中共郑州市委党校学报》2005,(6):191-192
教师是人类文化、科学知识的传播者,是人类开发理性、奔向光明的引路人.教师的地位举足轻重,提高教师的素质,重视师德修养,具有极其深远的意义. 相似文献
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Doing Well vs. Feeling Well: Understanding Family Dynamics and the Psychological Adjustment of Chinese Immigrant Adolescents 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Desirée Baolian Qin 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(1):22-35
Despite their average high levels of educational achievement, Asian American students often report poor psychological and
social adjustment, suggesting an achievement/adjustment paradox. Yet, the reasons for this paradox remain unclear. Drawing
on 5-year longitudinal qualitative interview data, this paper compares the family dynamics of two groups of adolescents from
Chinese immigrant families: non-distressed adolescents (n = 20) who have high levels of academic achievement and high levels of psychological well-being; and distressed adolescents (n = 18) who have high levels of academic achievement but low levels of psychological well-being. Findings suggest that the
two groups of families differed in parenting approaches after migration, parent–child communication, parental expectations,
and parent–child relations. Implications for Asian American adolescent and youth development are discussed.
相似文献
Desirée Baolian QinEmail: |
39.
The use and non-use of policy appraisal tools in public policy making: an analysis of three European countries and the European Union 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Måns Nilsson Andrew Jordan John Turnpenny Julia Hertin Björn Nykvist Duncan Russel 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):335-355
The increasing complexity of policy problems, coupled with the political desire to base new policies on the foundation of firm evidence, has accelerated the development of policy assessment tools. These range from complex computer models and cost benefit analysis through simple checklists and decision trees. In the last decade, many governments have established formal policy assessment systems to harness these tools in order to facilitate more evidence-based policy making. These tools are potentially widely available, but to what extent are they used by policy makers and what becomes of the evidence that they generate? This paper addresses these questions by studying the empirical patterns of tool use across 37 cases in three European countries and the European Commission. It uses a simple classification of tools into advanced, formal and simple types. It finds that even when tools are embedded in policy assessment systems, their use is differentiated and on the whole very limited, in particular when it comes to more advanced tools. It then explores these patterns from contrasting theoretical perspectives to shed light on why, when and how different policy assessment tools are used in the policy process. 相似文献
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