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101.
Law and society scholars have theorized about the link between capital punishment and the hegemony of individualism, but few offer empirical investigations to illustrate how individualism makes capital punishment possible (and vice versa) in the contemporary United States. In order to fill this gap, we analyze the legal and human service records that were compiled in the construction of one executable subject, Daniel Farnsworth. Using a critical discourse approach, we look at what was said and not said about Daniel in the records created by various helping agencies. In our analysis, we demonstrate how the helping agencies involved in Daniel's life repeatedly relied on an individuating psychological paradigm that led them to produce decontextualized catalogs of his actions and characteristics. Next, we illustrate how these pathologizing accounts were, ironically, later invoked in court in the name of preserving his life. Finally, we explain how "helping" discourses, along with the rules that regulate capital defense practice, straightjacket defense attorneys into reinforcing individualism in this context. 相似文献
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This paper tests two competing hypotheses, derived from general strain and middle class measuring rod theories, regarding the moderating effects of neighborhood disadvantage on the long-term relationship between adolescent negative self-feelings and adult deviance. The results from longitudinal data support the middle class measuring rod theory: adolescent negative self-feelings increase adult deviance only in middle status neighborhoods and not in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods. Furthermore, this effect in middle status neighborhoods is mediated by low expectations of the future in while still in adolescence. Our findings show the importance of studying the combination of both the social psychological and the contextual influences on deviance. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Kaplan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):135-142
Richard Abanes, American Militias: Rebellion, Racism and Religion. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1996. Pp.296, biblio, index. $13.49 (paper). ISBN 0–8308–1368–3. John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists: Militias, Supremacists, Communists, & Others. Amherst, NY: Promethius Books, 1996. Pp.443, index.. $31.45 (cloth), $24.95 (paper). ISBN 1–57392–058–4. Jim Keith, OKBOMB!: Conspiracy and Cover‐Up. Lilburn, GA: Illuminet Press, 1996. Pp.237, index. $14.95 (paper). ISBN 1–881532–08–9. Kenneth S. Stern,A Force Upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996. Pp.303, biblio, index. $24.00 (cloth), $15.26 (paper). ISBN 0–684–81916–3. Brandon M. Stickney, “All American Monster”: The Unauthorized Biography of Tim McVeigh. Amherst, NY: Promethius Books, 1996. Pp.336, index. $23.95. ISBN 1–57392–088–6. Jess Walter, Every Knee Shall Bow: The Truth & Tragedy of Ruby Ridge & The Weaver Family. New York: ReganBooks, 1995. Pp.375. $24.00 (cloth), $6.29 (paper). ISBN 0–06–0391 74‐X. 相似文献
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Political Behavior - Scholars have argued that racial policy beliefs contributed to a decline in public trust among white-Americans, but this effect waned over time as racial policies left the... 相似文献
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Henry E. Brady Cynthia S. Kaplan 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2000,35(3):56-91
Ethnic identity is a fundamental concept for understanding the dynamics of contemporary political change, but there has been
very little exploration of how to measure ethnic identity and even less discussion of the implications of these measurements
for understanding ethnic conflict. Through an analysis of Estonians and Slavs (Russians, Byelorussians, and Ukranians) in
Estonia, we show that the ethnic identity of different groups is “salient” to different degrees and that this has significant
implications for within-group agreement about political issues and for between-group differences. We show that nominal ethnic
identity fully predicts political attitudes when ethnicity is highly salient because a highly salient ethnic identity sets
in motion forces that cause individuals within a group to form similar attitudes based upon their ethnic identity. These forces
were fully active for Estonians in Estonia in the early 1990s. In this case, nominal ethnic identity was sufficient to explain
the attitudes of Estonians. But ethnicity must be treated as graded when it is not highly salient, as with Slavs in Estonia,
because only degrees of ethnicity can explain the within-group differences in political attitudes that arise because of a
lack of salient identity. Researchers, therefore, should typically treat ethnicity as if it were graded, and they should devise
graded measures of it. Although nominal measures are sometimes appropriate (i.e., when ethnicity is highly salient), they
will cause the researcher to miss something important in other situations. For example, our work suggests that if events discrupt
the social processes that maintain a group’s sense of itself, then a graded measure of ethnicity is useful for predicting
attitudes concerning ethnic identity and survival. In short, it is not categorically wrong to treat ethnicity as nominal,
but it is best to begin by treating it as graded.
Henry E. Brady, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, is co-author ofVoice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics andLetting the People Decide: The Dynamics of a Canadian Election. He has also written on elections, referendums, polotical behavior, and political methodology.
Cynthia S. Kaplan, an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Santa Barbara,
received her Ph.D. from Columbia University and has conducted extensive research in Russia, Estonia, and Tatarstan. She is
the author ofThe Party and Agricultural Crisis Management in the USSR and numerous articles on comparative ethnicity, social movements, and political culture in the former Soviet Union. 相似文献
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