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611.
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Two studies using vignettes explore some conditions under which equity, equality, and need as allocation rules are taken into
account by an outside allocator. Independent variables include information about success or failure of a work group, level
of morale of the group, relative contributions of work group members, responsibility for outcome, and influence of one individual
on others. Results suggest that differentiation based on both equity and need results from a focus on individual deserving
while equality among status equals results from focus on group level factors. An interaction between outcome and contribution
appears when group level factors are included; these effects also appear when there are two rather than only one target person
differing from the rest of a group; an overreward effect depends on attributions of responsibility for outcome; and an influential
member is seen as deserving even if a low contributor. No gender differences were found. 相似文献
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Barbara Cable Nienstedt Marjorie S. Zatz Thomas Epperlein 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1988,4(1):39-59
Driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenses provide a unique focal point for research in criminology. In recent years, legislative and media attention has increasingly focused on the harmful acts of drunk drivers, but little is known of the characteristics of individuals arrested for driving while drunk or of the court processing and sanctioning of such offenders. The research presented here uses a variety of methodological techniques to analyze individual-level court processing data for persons convicted of DWI on a revoked license. We find that the population of persons processed for this offense have certain characteristics which are not unlike those of persons processed for street crimes. Further, we find evidence of differential sanctioning related to ethnicity and level of education. We conclude with a call for future investigation of court processing to understand better why the DWI legislative mandate is being applied differently across social groups. 相似文献
616.
617.
Barbara Landau 《Family Court Review》1995,33(1):63-78
This article describes the development of the Toronto Protocols for mediation in cases involving domestic violence. These protocols were developed by the Toronto Forum on Women Abuse and Mediation which convened representatives from the mediation and domestic violence provider communities. It provides a blueprint for the conduct of similar forums in other communities. 相似文献
618.
Barbara L. Wolfe 《Society》1991,28(6):23-28
She is also affiliated with the Institute for Research on Poverty and the La Follette Institute of Public Affairs. She is
spending this year at the Russell Sage Foundation writing a book (with Robert Haveman) on intergenerational determinants of
success of young adults. She is author of numerous articles on health, education, government policies, and economics of the
disabled. 相似文献
619.
where he directs the Europe-America and Global Security Projects. He has been Director of Studies of the International Institute
for Strategic Studies in London and taught on the faculty of Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. He served the first Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence and was staff member for Western Europe on the National Security Council. This article is
a condensed version of his forthcoming book, America, Germany and the Future of Europe. 相似文献
620.
Barbara M. Yarnold 《政策研究评论》1990,9(4):681-701
This analysis examines the extent to which the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA), from 1980 to 1987, complied with a new policy of Congress, set forth in the Refugee Act of 1980, which called for an elimination of bias in favor of aliens from hostile countries. Statistical analysis reveals that the BIA did not enforce the Refugee Act of 1980. I argue that Congress never intended to eliminate this bias since doing so would bring it into conflict with actors within the executive branch (including the President and the State Department) that have traditionally dominated policy-making relating to refugees and asylees. Instead, in the Refugee Act of 1980, Congress allowed these actors to retain control through a broad definition of "refugee" and by failing to clearly specify standards for political asylum and withholding of deportation. Simultaneously, Congress temporarily placated private and public "refugee rights" interest groups with statutory provisions that (presumably) eliminated the hostile country bias in U.S. refugee and asylum admis- sions, and granted increased federal aid to private organizations and units of state and local governments. 相似文献