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In South Africa, 15 years into a new political order, higher education institutions are under pressure to create and sustain
the conditions necessary for the consolidation of democracy. One of the more important of these conditions is the need to
shift their academic staff profiles in ways that are more representative of a diverse democracy. This process is mediated
by legislative and policy reforms that have as their aims the establishment of a more diverse community of academics (see,
inter alia: White Paper, 1997; Employment Equity Act No. 55 of 1998; National Plan for Higher Education, 2001). While much
current thinking is at the macro-level and focused on narrow human resource aspects related to “getting the numbers right,”
there is limited research on what happens in the daily experiences of faculty. This article draws on a research project conducted
at five universities in South Africa in order to explore how academics in their everyday micro-practices of governance, teaching,
and research respond to this external systemic pressure. The findings are considered in terms of their implications for the
democratization process, in relation to issues of governance, fairness, and trust, at the levels both of institutions and
of society as a whole. 相似文献
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Beverley Milton-Edwards 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2014,26(2):259-276
Islam's diversity is a direct result of centuries of schism and factionalism, and presents a challenge to the original spirit of unity as envisaged by its founder, the Prophet Mohammed. Rivalry within Islam undermines the precedent notion of unity through communal belonging (tawhid and ummah). Yet in the twenty-first century this diversity is ignored, and political Islam is represented as being more of a monolith than a spectrum of ideas and aspirations. Generally, the materialization of new Islamist groups is a challenge to those who hold that unity is all. In the Gaza Strip, specifically, the dominant Islamist actor, Hamas, is facing internal challenges from other Islamist elements. These rival Islamists are also influenced by events across their border in post-revolutionary Egypt where a plethora of new Islamist actors are vying for political space and power. This article deals with Hamas's Islamist rivals, and the effects they have had on Hamas's governance of the Gaza Strip, and political and religious legitimacy within it. It will focus on ideological and violent disputes between the Islamist elements in Gaza, and the means by which Hamas and its security elements have tackled newly emerging rivals. 相似文献
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Beverley Loke 《Asian Security》2013,9(3):195-215
Abstract This article is situated within the contemporary debates about the nature and purpose of China's growing power. It uses the concepts of “national interest” and “international responsibility” as a framework of analysis for Chinese foreign policy, and develops a three-dimensional typology to conceptualize their relationship (antagonistic; instrumental; mutually constitutive). This article adopts two main arguments. First, a stronger China is one gravitating toward greater notions of international responsibility, albeit instrumentally. Second, observable trends in China's evolving worldview indicate, however, that it is conceiving its national interests more broadly, embracing further socialization and greater normative commitments to international society. One may therefore view China's burgeoning global role as a great power with a degree of “cautious optimism.” 相似文献
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Beverley Milton-Edwards 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1585-1599
This article outlines the means by which the Palestinian Islamic movement Hamas has developed and implemented a consolidation of power strategy that is inexorably driving it to a state of increasingly authoritarian control in the Gaza Strip. It discusses the factors that have driven Hamas in terms of power seeking as primordial to all radical Islamist movements or as a result of or response to other factors outside its control. The article highlights the concurrent demise of the Fatah organisation in the Gaza Strip as the largest and most visible symbol of secularism. It then reflects on the role of external, including international, actors in accelerating consolidation tactics following the Hamas ‘takeover’ of power from the Fatah-dominated institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in June 2007. The article aims to demonstrate that Hamas' control in Gaza is an important signpost in terms of developing Islamism in the Middle East region. 相似文献
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International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique - 相似文献
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