全文获取类型
收费全文 | 337篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 28篇 |
工人农民 | 37篇 |
世界政治 | 35篇 |
外交国际关系 | 17篇 |
法律 | 157篇 |
中国共产党 | 5篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 60篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 16篇 |
2013年 | 43篇 |
2012年 | 12篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 12篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有353条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
101.
Jeremy Peña 《Peace Review》2018,30(1):112-114
102.
103.
104.
Scotland is not the only sub‐state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self‐determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited. 相似文献
105.
106.
Yijun Pi 《Frontiers of Law in China》2007,2(2):297-317
In China, the protection of juvenile rights has historically been a secondary consideration, which is often relegated to the
status of “goal for the future”. However, the value of juvenile rights and their protection lie not only in the morality of
child protection, but also in the role that juvenile rights can play in the development of human rights as a whole. Publicity
given to juvenile rights reminds us of the “adult society” standing in complementary opposition to the “juvenile society”
that juvenile rights refer to. It is adult society to deal with juvenile rights, so any errors of understanding or failures
of equality can lead to children being deprived of the rights. The rational underpinnings of juvenile rights are the weapons
with which we can counter the influence of traditional, conservative thinking. These arguments will allow children to assume
their rightful role as an independent group whose rights are academically and practically accepted and protected. 相似文献
107.
青少年犯罪与青少年被害这对现象是当前犯罪学和社会学关注的一个热点。尤其是在当前的网络生活背景中,在网络犯罪场的作用下,青少年犯罪与青少年被害的互动性更加突出。因此,我们应当认真研究网络犯罪场的基本特征,分析网络犯罪场的作用下的青少年犯罪与青少年被害各自发生的机制及其内在关联性,并为预防和控制由网络诱发的青少年犯罪与青少年被害提出可行性的应对策略。 相似文献
108.
Why do political parties prioritise some policy issues over others? While the issue ownership theory suggests that parties emphasise policy issues on which they have an advantage in order to increase the salience of these issues among voters, the riding the wave theory argues instead that parties respond to voters by highlighting policy issues that are salient in the minds of citizens. This study sheds new light on the selective issue emphasis of political parties by analysing issue attention throughout the entire electoral cycle. On the basis of a quantitative text analysis of more than 40,000 press releases published by German parties from 2000 until 2010, this article provides empirical support for the riding the wave theory. It shows that political parties take their cues from voters by responding to the issue priorities of their electorate. The results have important implications for political representation and the role that parties play in democracies. 相似文献
109.
This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland’s largest foreign-born minority group, namely Poles, in the run-up to the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. We draw on 20 in-depth interviews to explore our participants’ intentions and justifications for voting (or not) in the referendum. We found that our participants tended to emphasise the jus domicili principle when justifying their eligibility to vote in the referendum. However, our participants extended the jus domicili principle in their justifications to also include the intention to stay in Scotland as a central aspect of their continuing stake in (and right to vote in the referendum to determine) Scotland’s future. Through exploring our participants’ justifications for voting in the referendum, we were able to examine and better understand how migrants constitute their citizenship through articulating their substantive attachments (social, economic and relational or familial) in their adoptive country and in their country of origin. 相似文献
110.
Kamleshan Pillay Jorge E. Viñuales 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2016,16(6):933-951
Three dominant issues have historically plagued climate negotiations: How to bypass issues of sovereignty, generate sufficient climate finance, and establish an agreement that is inclusive of the current major polluters. These issues are prevalent within the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, and the CDM has provided policy makers with a useful starting point to understanding how offset credits can be utilised within a post-Kyoto framework. The primary aim of this research is to investigate how project-based offset credits generated by states would interact within a linked framework using monetary rules and exchange rates. The examination of a linked system, specifically, was owing to the structure of the proposed agreement to be finalised in Paris at COP 21 where nationally determined contributions would be submitted by each state, allowing for the possibility of linked domestic carbon market mechanisms. The certified emission reduction credits of the CDM were used as a model to investigate the trade of offset credits within a linked system which act as a unique climate currency of each domestic offset credit mechanism. These offset credits could be earned through the implementation of domestic projects or projects hosted in other states. From this research, we conclude that fixed exchange rates are more stable than flexible exchange rates in a climate currency framework. Fixed exchange rates reduce losses of capital (owing to uncertainty in the markets) and the prominence of asymmetric spatial price transmission associated with fiat offset credit prices. To encourage co-operation between developing and developed countries, it is recommended that a combination of currency area theory and trade blocs be implemented as opposed to a currency union. Currency areas are the most viable option as they maintain that the domestic offset credit mechanism is under the control of the state and retains a level of stability as individual state offset credit prices are fixed to the same price. Even though this research forms the basis for a new climate policy architecture, the overall effectiveness of the policy will be determined by the selection of appropriate discount schemes, increased participation and agreement by states, and most significantly, political will. 相似文献