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Leibrecht  Markus  Scharler  Johann 《Public Choice》2021,188(3-4):361-384
Public Choice - Based on a sample of 16 Western OECD countries we show that although veto players with heterogeneous political preferences reduce the probability of a structural fiscal...  相似文献   
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Books     
SUMMARY

This article seeks to contribute to the debate on a communication policy which aims to enhance meaningful and democratic liaison between the South African Defence Force and news media. Two fairly important considerations, viz. the propaganda value of the so-called first statement and the implications of the dissemination of rumours in a conflict or war situation are investigated briefly. A few lessons learned from defence force operations in Vietnam, in the Yom Kippur and Falklands wars, and in Northern Ireland are discussed. Finally, guidelines are offered and questions posed to the Defence Force and news media which may promote an ideal communication policy between these institutions.  相似文献   
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Abstract

In 1985 David Booth wrote a seminal article in which he argued that development theory, mostly Marxist but also modernisation theory, was out of touch with reality, incapable of generating viable policy, and riven with meta-theoretical errors. He recommended a return to empirical case studies, the comparative method, and an awareness of the problems of functionalist and essentialist argument. In the ensuing decade a further range of solutions was offered to bail development theory out of trouble: micro-theory, participatory action research, postmodernism, post-development theory, postcolonialism. Twenty years later the dominance of Marxist and neo-Marxist theories has been replaced by an equally pervasive hegemony of Foucauldian discourse. In signaling the presence of a new impasse, there is much talk of ‘the poverty of post-development’. The intriguing question to ask is: what can development theorists and Third World intellectuals learn about themselves in this constant refrain?  相似文献   
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BackgroundPrevious investigations suggest that women judged to be not criminally responsible on account of mental disorder (NCR-MD) differ markedly from their male counterparts in important ways, underscoring the necessity of subsequent study.ObjectiveThe goal of the present study was to inform our understanding of the presenting profile of female forensic psychiatric patients and contrast their risk of inpatient aggression with their male counterparts.MethodThe population of patients assessed and/or treated at a secure Canadian forensic psychiatric hospital were available for study. In total, 527 patients had complete data and were part of intensive retrospective file reviews; inpatient aggression was evaluated using the Overt Aggression Scale.ResultsWomen were no less likely than men to have a violent index offence and to perpetrate inpatient aggression. Examining the range of aggressive behaviours and severity levels did little to increase the relevance of gender to inpatient risk.DiscussionFemale forensic patients represent a highly selected subgroup of women with exceptional clinical and behavioural challenges and associated treatment needs.  相似文献   
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Steytler  Nico; Mettler  Johann 《Publius》2001,31(4):93-106
Federal arrangements are often used as a way of keeping deeplydivided societies together. In particular, where divisions,be they ethnic, linguistic, or religious, develop in violentconflict or the threat of civil war, constitutional arrangementsfor self-rule and shared rule have been put forward as a keyto peace. The federal distribution of power is then used tosatisfy sectoral demands for self-determination.  相似文献   
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Impatience with politics, weariness with political commitment, and individualisation are labels frequently used to characterise the political involvement of young people. Empirical analyses show a rather more complex picture. A basic willingness to become politically involved and to express one’s political opinion is apparent: Indeed, many young people use numerous and varied opportunities to express themselves politically; however, this usually covers only occasional activities. Not surprisingly, participation in some traditional associations has become lower. On the other hand, affinity and commitment to new social movements remain fairly consistent. Participation patterns differ according to gender, education level, and the youth’s place of origin (federal states of the former Federal Republic, or former GDR). These are some of the key results of the follow-up youth surveys carried out by the German Youth Institute. If the comparison between eastern and western Germans is seen in a European perspective, the complex interconnections between the institutionalised political cultures of nations and the participation patterns of young people become apparent. In what kind of institutions and to what extent do young people between 16 and 29 years show political engagement in Germany? What kind of differences can be seen between the new and the old Federal states? Is it possible to identify typical trends of development? Do gender, educational level, value orientations or social background conditions such as unemployment play a role in this regard? In the following, we will endeavour to answer these questions on the basis of empirical research. For this reason, in the following tables and analyses we will particularly focus on the differences between East and West Germany and the temporal development of discrepancies. The question of how specific and changing social institutions influence human attitudes and behaviour can be analysed using the quasi-experiment of 40 years of German division as an example. However, additional aspects reveal themselves and new questions arise by comparing young people across the different European Member States. Hence, we will discuss this additional comparative perspective.  相似文献   
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The jurisdiction of the Hannover Institute of Legal Medicine recently experienced an unusually high incidence of lethal child neglect, with three cases in a 5-month period in 1999. Case 1: A girl received an inappropriate and inadequate diet of tea and oatmeal. The child was never breastfed, nor did it ever receive any other formula. The parents report the infant to have been healthy until she suddenly began projectile vomiting at the age of 13 weeks. For the next 3 days the infant was not able to maintain an adequate intake. The mother reports finding the child dead in its bed on the morning of the fourth day. Attempts by medical personnel to revive the child were unsuccessful. Case 2: A mother began spoon-feeding the infant puree on the fourth day of life, which according to the manufacturer's specifications is suitable for children between 4 and 8 months of age. At the age of 5 weeks, the infant was reported to have vomited half the just previously ingested meal, after which she took a nap. Some time later the parents observed the infant to be quite pale, however, assumed this was a result of sleep. When the mother finally did pick her up, the child was lifeless, and the parents brought her to the hospital. Medical personnel could however, only declare the infant dead, documenting a rectal temperature of 30 degrees C. Case 3: A 3.5-year-old girl died after her mother left the locked apartment and did not return for several weeks. The body of the child was found lying dressed on the floor in a state of advanced decay and mummification. Common findings in all three cases include lack of prenatal care, home birth without the help of a midwife, low socioeconomic status or maternal alcohol abuse, body weights below the 3rd percentile, extreme dehydration, fatty hepatic degeneration, thymic atrophy and signs of aspiration.  相似文献   
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