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51.
The recent National Academy of Sciences report on forensic sciences states that the study of fire patterns and debris in arson fires is in need of additional work and eventual standardization. We discuss a recently introduced method that can provide predicted evaporation patterns for ignitable liquids as a function of temperature. The method is a complex fluid analysis protocol, the advanced distillation curve approach, featuring a composition explicit data channel for each distillate fraction (for qualitative, quantitative, and trace analysis), low uncertainty temperature measurements that are thermodynamic state points that can be modeled with an equation of state, consistency with a century of historical data, and an assessment of the energy content of each distillate fraction. We discuss the application of the method to kerosenes and gasolines and outline how expansion of the scope of fluids to other ignitable liquids can benefit the criminalist in the analysis of fire debris for arson. 相似文献
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Fiscal illusion refers to a systematically biased perception of fiscal parameters, due to demand-side error/ignorance or supply-side abusive behaviour. As such it is a component of a more general tax choice framework. This paper focuses predominantly on the empirical estimation of the four major sources of fiscal illusion, namely the flypaper effect, renter illusion and the complexity and elasticity of tax systems. The results — based on a dataset of 302 Flemish municipalities — on balance suggest the existence of important illusionary effects. 相似文献
54.
Direkte Demokratie führt für die Bürger zu vorteilhaften Ergebnissen des politischen Prozesses, was in zahlreichen empirischen Untersuchungen überzeugend nachgewiesen wurde. Wir zeigen überdies, dass die Bürger in stärker ausgebauten direkten Demokratien mit ihrem Leben zufriedener sind. Unsere Untersuchung stützt sich dabei auf eine Befragung über das subjektive Wohlbefinden von über 6'000 Einwohnern der Schweiz zwischen 1992 und 1994. In der Querschnittsanalyse wird das geäusserte subjektive Wohlbefinden einem neuen Index gegenübergestellt, welcher die direktdemokratischen Rechte der Bürger in den 26 Kantonen der Schweiz erfasst. Die Sensitivitätsuntersuchungen zeigen, dass besonders die Möglichkeit, via Verfassungs‐ und Gesetzesinitiativen neue Ideen in den politischen Prozess einzubringen, das subjektive Wohlbefinden erhöht. Dieser Zusammenhang ist um so stärker ausgeprägt, je kleiner die absolute Anzahl nötiger Unterschriften ist und je länger die Sammelfrist dauert. 相似文献
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Feio-Dos-Santos AC Carvalho BM Batista dos Santos SE Ribeiro-dos-Santos AK 《Forensic science international》2006,164(2-3):276-277
The analysis of genetic variation in the nucleotide sequences of mitochondrial DNA has been used as a tool in the study of history of different human populations, as Amerindians, Afro-descendents populations and furthermore admixed populations. In this study, the mitochondrial DNA was analyzed in 158 unrelated individuals in an admixed population of the Amazonian Region: Santarém-PA-Brazil. The polymorphisms were detected using both levels, analysis of restriction enzyme and direct sequencing. We observed a total of 49 different haplotypes were found determined by 46 variable nucleotides. The more frequent haplotypes (Hap03) was shared by five samples and 43 sequences were unique. The genetic diversity was estimated to 0.989+/-0.0067 and the probability of two random individuals showed identical mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplotypes were 2.8%. 相似文献
56.
Coping Styles in Delinquent Adolescents and Controls: The Role of Personality and Parental Rearing 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Ruchkin Vladislav V. Eisemann Martin Hägglöf Bruno 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1999,28(6):705-717
The aim of the present study was to compare coping styles in delinquent adolescents (n=178) versus matched controls (n=91) from the Arkhangelsk region in Northern Russia and to test for possible interrelations with personality traits and parental rearing factors. The samples were assessed by means of the Coping Scale for Children and Youth (CSCY), the Temperament and Character Inventory (TCI), and the EMBU questionnaire on parental rearing. The delinquents differed significantly from the controls on most aspects of the coping styles under investigation. Furthermore, some specific correlational patterns between coping styles and both personality dimensions and parental rearing factors emerged. The findings are discussed in the light of the interactive nature of relations between personality and parental rearing in the development of coping styles. 相似文献
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The article tries to incorporate ``political corruption'' (toplevel corruption) into economic growth analysis. We propose amicroeconomic framework. An agent of the public sector, who wantsto optimize his cash flow resulting from budget misappropriations,will be highly sensitive to the instability related to his office.The natural equilibrium for the politician will be to fall into a`high political instability – low growth' trap, in whichcorruption appears endemic. However, the control of corruption bysociety will be possible. We consider a model in which alternativepoliticians compete with the incumbent politician but benefit from a common political reputation. It is shown that this situation leads to ``dynamic collective reputation'', which should restrain misappropriationpractices. This theoretical framework will be useful in defining a``sustainable'' degree of political competition and inunderstanding the asymmetric effects of extrinsic shocks on thegrowth process. 相似文献
60.
Tax Structure Turbulence in OECD Countries 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper analyses whether and to what extent politiciansmanipulate tax structures strategically in order to winelections or for ideological purposes. We introduce anindicator for tax structure turbulence which measures thedegree to which a country's tax structure changes from oneyear to another. Using data on 18 OECD countries over theperiod 1965–1995, we find clear evidence of a politicalbudget cycle in national tax structures. More precisely, wefind that in election years, tax structures are changedsignificantly less than in other years. Further, thedispersion of political power significantly lowers the abilityof governments to change the tax structure. We do not,however, find any evidence of partisan budget cycles innational tax systems following political regime changes. 相似文献