全文获取类型
收费全文 | 246篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 10篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 16篇 |
法律 | 92篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 89篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 35篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 17篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 21篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 15篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有254条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
41.
42.
The relationship between far right extremism and military involvement is a complex problem and the dynamics that explain this relationship are not well understood. The present article addresses this gap by discussing the relationship between military experience, identity discrepancies, and far right terrorism. This article proposes that identity discrepancies occur when individuals experience involuntary role exits from the military or when individuals perceive that personal achievements earned while enlisted are unrecognized or unappreciated. Identity discrepancies may facilitate a change in behavior toward far right extremism and eventually terrorism. Case study examples are provided to illustrate this relationship. 相似文献
43.
Cochran BN Pruitt L Fukuda S Zoellner LA Feeny NC 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2008,23(2):276-291
Very little is known about what factors influence women's treatment preferences after a sexual assault. To learn more about these factors, data were collected from 273 women who read a standard "if this happened to you, what would you do" scenario describing a sexual assault and subsequent trauma-related psychiatric symptoms. After reading standardized treatment options for a pharmacotherapy (sertraline) and a psychotherapy (cognitive behavioral treatment), participants made a hypothetical treatment choice and reported the main reasons for their choice. Women often cited reasons surrounding the effectiveness of a treatment as the primary reason for their treatment preference, suggesting potential masking of symptoms with the medication and more logical, long-lasting effects with the psychotherapy. Other common reasons underlying treatment preference were wariness of the medication and positive feelings about talking in psychotherapy. Better understanding factors that influence treatment preference may aid in refining psychoeducation materials regarding the psychological consequences of sexual assault and their treatment for the lay public and in helping clinicians further tailor their discussion of treatment alternatives for these women. 相似文献
44.
45.
46.
AbstractThe existing scholarship typically measures “Americanization” along structural lines—such as knowledge of public policies, percentage of life spent in the U.S., or proficiency in the English language. While these variables are certainly important, they overlook another important dimension of newcomers’ post-migration experiences—namely, immigrants’ psychological attachment and sense of belonging to the American social, political, and economic fabric. This article therefore reevaluates what it means to Americanize by exploring the psychological (or symbolic) dimensions of multigenerational immigrants’ evolving political beliefs toward the polity. In rethinking the process of Americanization, we rely on a largely understudied immigrant population—that is, the Los Angeles Armenians (or Armenian Angelenos)—and an original public opinion survey—the Armenian Angeleno Survey (AAS). This study demonstrates that symbolic (rather than merely structural) Americanization is a useful framework in studying how contemporary immigrant groups position themselves in relation to the polity and understand important political outcomes. This article thus introduces an expanded model based on how multigenerational immigrants cultivate their ethnic communities while becoming ideological members of American society. 相似文献
47.
48.
The management of domain irrelevant context information in forensic handwriting examination casework
That domain irrelevant context information can potentially bias human decision making processes is accepted in the psychological sciences. Although many forensic pattern examination sciences use human perceptual and cognitive processes almost exclusively to form opinions regarding evidence, we have been slow to engage with any procedure that might control for any potential effects associated with context information. The critics of pattern evidence have described how opinions may be unintentionally incorrectly formed and how bodies of evidential information might conspire to form cases where the sum of the totality of the evidence may be significantly more than its specialist parts. Given the body of evidence supporting the potentially serious implications of domain irrelevant information, it was decided to introduce a context management scheme at the Document Examination Unit of the Victoria Police Forensic Services Department. Existing laboratory wide evidence submission procedures were modified in the scheme such that, as far as was agreed to be practical, all handwriting cases were stripped of all but essential information for carrying out examination and comparison tasks. As yet no negative outcomes have been reported as a result of the scheme implementation. 相似文献
49.
Models of inefficient political failure have been criticized forimplicitly assuming the irrationality of voters (Wittman, 1989,1995, 1999; Coate and Morris, 1995). Building on Caplan's (1999a,1999b) model of ``rational irrationality'', the current papermaintains that the assumption of voter irrationality is boththeoretically and empirically plausible. It then examinesmicrofoundational criticisms of four classes of political failuremodels: rent-seeking, pork-barrel politics, bureaucracy, andeconomic reform. In each of the four cases, incorporating simpleforms of privately costless irrationality makes it possibleto clearly derive the models' standard conclusions. Moreover, itfollows that efforts to mitigate political failures will besocially suboptimal, as most of the literature implicitlyassumes. It is a mistake to discount the empirical evidence forthese models on theoretical grounds. 相似文献
50.
Bryan S. Turner 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(5):507-519
This article identifies two different senses in which the concept of ‘community’ can be seen to underpin the norm of vocal participation in democratic politics. The first is a broadly liberal view of community – traceable to Alexis de Tocqueville – that promotes active, vocal, and autonomous citizens and acts as a buffer between the state and the individual. A second broadly conservative view of community in the writings, for example, of Edmund Burke and T.S. Eliot treats community as organic, passive, and largely silent. It valorizes habit and habitual relationships as supporting political life through obedience to the law and respect for authority. While these two traditions stand apart, what is striking about both views of community is the one point about which both agree: citizens' sense of community is in decline within liberal democracies today. Thus silence and silent majorities are problematic to both traditions, albeit for different reasons. 相似文献