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121.
By Ji Jing 《北京周报(英文版)》2015,(27):42-43
<正>A small instrument unites a group of senior citizens in Beijing together Wang Suzhen,a 64-year-old lady who lives in Wangjing,a prime residential area in the northeastern part of Beijing,travels for two hours by bus and subway to the Temple of Heaven every Sunday,simply for the purpose of playing harmonica with her ensemble. 相似文献
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By Deng Yaqing 《北京周报(英文版)》2015,(32):34-35
<正>An integrated transportation grid will connect Beijing,Tianjin and HebeiProvinceRen Aifan,a 28-year-old who works in downtown Beijing and dwells in Yanjiao,a town in neighboring Hebei Province,has to spend four hours in commuting every day."I get on a bus at 6:50 a.m.and take Beijing’s Subway Line 1 around 8:00a.m.When I get off at Chongwenmen Station and arrive in my office,it’s usually almost 9:00a.m.,"Ren told Beijing Review,complaining about the crowd in the bus enveloped in 相似文献
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Michael J. Williams Jocelyn J. Bélanger John Horgan William P. Evans 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(6):1327-1341
ABSTRACTUtilizing a sample drawn to represent the general U.S. population, the present study experimentally tested whether a call-center’s disclaimer regarding limits to caller confidentiality (i.e., that operators would be required to refer calls to law enforcement if callers were to discuss anyone who was a danger to themselves or others) affected disclosures related to a third party’s involvement with terrorist groups, gangs, or such party’s commission of assault and/or non-violent crimes.Disclaimer type did not significantly affect the number of terrorism-related disclosures. Furthermore, it did not significantly affect either the number of gang-related disclosures or reports of assault. However, the law enforcement referral disclaimer/condition reduced the number of disclosures of non-violent crimes that were not directly related to terrorism, gangs, or assault, though its effect accounted for less than one percent of the variance between conditions. Additionally, disclaimer type did not significantly affect willingness to recommend the call-center, nor did that effect vary significantly by age or sex. Implications for the call-center’s role in addressing ideologically motivated violence (terrorism, violent extremism), as a form of secondary/targeted prevention, are discussed. 相似文献
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Jocelyn Evans 《West European politics》2013,36(5):1012-1030
The peace process in Northern Ireland has not diminished the acute ethnic electoral faultline between the majority Protestant British population, supportive of parties favouring Northern Ireland's continuing place in the United Kingdom and the minority Catholic Nationalist population, which backs parties harbouring long-term ambitions for a united Ireland. Within each bloc, however, there has been a dramatic realignment in favour of parties once seen as extreme and militant. The Democratic Unionist Party has emerged as the main representative of the Protestant British population, whilst Sinn Fein, having for many years supported the Provisional IRA's ‘armed struggle’ against British rule, has become the dominant party amongst Catholic Nationalists. As both parties have entered the political mainstream and advanced electorally, to what extent have they moved from their electoral near-confinement among the working class to enjoy broader cross-class support – and how? 相似文献
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本文在分析现行《仲裁法》第三章“仲裁协议”法律规定的基础上,提出了立法修改建议。建议的提出紧紧围绕当前的仲裁实践与司法实践,意在解决仲裁实践中亟须立法解决的矛盾与问题。 相似文献
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在一个纠纷解决机制的经济学视角下,仲裁和诉讼作为其中的两种主要公共产品,如何在其竞合的商事纠纷解决领域实现互补并进而形成良性的竞争,将是使得商事纠纷解决秩序有效率运转的一个途径。基于纠纷解决需求的信息不对称模型和仲裁诉讼的寡头竞争格局模型的建构,可以得出关于仲裁定价的分析,并能为如何协同诉讼提供量化依据。 相似文献