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Using self-report data from 157 college students, we tested hypotheses regarding the relative importance of perceived security in early parental relationships vs. security in adult (nonparental) relationships for understanding respondents' coping dispositions and explanatory styles. In general, more secure attachments were positively related to support-seeking and active problem-solving coping styles and to females' but not males' tendency to explain hypothetical successes and failures in a positive or self-enhancing manner. Security of adult (nonparental) attachments had stronger associations with young women's coping strategies than did security of early attachment to parents, whereas the reverse was true for males—a finding we interpret in terms of girls' earlier development of emotional autonomy from parents and closer ties to friends. Security of early attachment to father appeared to have important implications for young men's willingness to turn to others for support. 相似文献
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Caitlin Clemmow M.Sc. Sandy Schumann Ph.D. Nadine L. Salman M.Sc. Paul Gill Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(3):865-881
Improvements have been made in identifying the prevalence of risk factors/indicators for violent extremism. A consistent problem is the lack of base rates. How to develop base rates is of equal concern. This study has two aims: (i) compare two methods for developing base rates; the Unmatched Count Technique (UCT) and direct questioning, (ii) generate base rates in a general population sample and compare these to a sample of lone-actor terrorists (n = 125). We surveyed 2108 subjects from the general population. Participants were recruited from an online access panel and randomly assigned to one of three conditions; direct survey, control, or UCT. Survey items were based on a lone-actor terrorist codebook developed from the wider literature. Direct questioning was more suitable under our study conditions where UCT resulted in deflation effects. Comparing the base rates identified a number of significant differences: (i) lone-actor terrorists demonstrated propensity indicators related to a cognitive susceptibility, and a crime- and/or violence-supportive morality more often; the general sample demonstrated protective factors more often, (ii) lone-actor terrorists demonstrated situational indicators related to a crime- and/or violence-supportive morality more often, whereas the general sample experienced situational stressors more often, (iii) lone-actor terrorists demonstrated indicators related to exposure to extremism more often. Results suggest there are measurable differences in the prevalence of risk factors between lone-actor terrorists and the general population. However, no single factor “predicts” violent extremism. This bears implications for our understanding of the interrelation of risk and protective factors, and for the risk assessment of violent extremism. 相似文献
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Caitlin Wolford-Clevenger JoAnna Elmquist Heather Zapor Jeniimarie Febres Lindsay T. Labrecque Maribel Plasencia 《Victims & Offenders》2018,13(2):143-157
Identifying the prevalence and correlates of suicidal ideation in women mandated to batterer intervention programs is necessary to prevent suicide in this greatly understudied population. This study used cross-sectional, self-report survey methodology to identify the prevalence and correlates of suicidal ideation among 79 women attending batterer intervention programs. Of the sample, 33% reported experiencing suicidal ideation during the two weeks prior to entering the program. Multiple linear regression analysis indicated that (while controlling for number of batterer intervention sessions attended) symptoms of depression and borderline personality disorder, but not symptoms of antisocial personality disorder, were associated with suicidal ideation. 相似文献
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Gumport Nicole B. Gasperetti Caitlin E. Silk Jennifer S. Harvey Allison G. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2021,50(12):2351-2362
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - There are mixed findings when examining if technology use is harmful for adolescent sleep and health. This study builds on these mixed findings by examining the... 相似文献
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Selva Lewin-Bizan Alicia Doyle Lynch Kristen Fay Kristina Schmid Caitlin McPherran Jacqueline V. Lerner Richard M. Lerner 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(7):751-763
Although the positive youth development (PYD) model initially assumed inverse links between indicators of PYD and of risk/problem
behaviors, empirical work in adolescence has suggested that more complex associations exist between trajectories of the two
domains of functioning. To clarify the PYD model, this study assessed intraindividual change in positive and problematic indicators
across Grades 5–10, and the links between these trajectories of development, among 2,516 participants from the 4-H Study of
PYD (58.1% females; 64.9% European American, 7.0% African American, 12.3% Latino/a American, 2.6% Asian American or Pacific
Islander, 1.8% Native American, 3.0% multiethnic-racial, and 8.4% with inconsistent race/ethnicity across waves). Results
from person-centered analyses indicated that most youth clustered in the high trajectories of positive indicators and in the
low trajectories of the negative ones. Consistent with past research, overlap between trajectories of positive and negative
behaviors was found. These results suggest that theory and application need to accommodate to variation in the links between
positive and problematic developmental trajectories. 相似文献
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David Cutts Matthew Goodwin Oliver Heath Caitlin Milazzo 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(3):496-514
The 2019 European Parliament (EP) election took place against the backdrop of the vote for Brexit and the failure of Parliament to agree on a withdrawal agreement. Nigel Farage’s new Brexit Party topped the poll and the pro‐Remain Liberal Democrats, which called for a second referendum on EU membership, returned from electoral obscurity to take second place, while other pro‐Remain parties similarly performed well. In sharp contrast, the two main parties, Labour and the Conservatives, recorded their lowest combined vote share since they became the main representatives of the two‐party system. In this article, we draw on aggregate‐level data to explore what happened at the 2019 EP election in Great Britain. Our evidence suggests Labour suffered from a ‘pincer movement’, losing support in its mainly white, working class ‘left behind’ heartlands but also in younger cosmopolitan areas where Labour had polled strongly at the 2017 general election. Support for the new Brexit Party increased more significantly in ‘left behind’ communities, which had given strong support to Leave at the 2016 referendum, suggesting that national populists capitalised on Labour’s woes. The Conservatives haemorrhaged support in affluent, older retirement areas but largely at the expense of the resurgent Liberal Democrats, with the latter surging in Remain areas and where the Conservatives are traditionally strong, though not in areas with younger electorates where the party made so much ground prior to the 2010–2015 coalition government. Lastly, turnout increased overall compared with 2014, but individuals living in Leave areas were less motivated to vote. Overall, our findings suggest that those living in Remain areas were more driven to express their discontent with the Brexit process and more inclined to support parties that offer a second referendum on Britain’s EU membership. 相似文献
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