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The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—FARC) was originally founded to protect Colombian peasants from harsh landowner policies in exchange for food and supplies. Over time, it has evolved into an internationally connected, narco-trafficking organization that displays little concern for the peasants it once vowed to protect. In recent years, Colombian authorities have become more adept at countering the FARC, forcing it to operate increasingly outside of Colombia. The FARC's transformation from a local insurgency into an internationally connected one is the focus of this article. Using social network analysis it identifies key leaders who are tied to this transformation and discusses implications concerning the FARC's future.  相似文献   
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Carlos Nalda 《Astropolitics》2013,11(2):227-235
The complex regulatory processes associated with satellite spectrum allocation and orbital resource utilization are described. In particular, the International Telecommunication Union's satellite network registration and coordination procedures are used to obtain international recognition and protection for satellite network operations, and domestic frequency allocation and licensing procedures are used to assign rights to utilize spectrum and orbital resources to individual satellite operators. Recent developments on the domestic and international level are aimed at streamlining these processes. However, more needs to be done, particularly with respect to enforcement of existing satellite network implementation requirements to ensure that current satellite regulatory procedures effectively facilitate access to spectrum and orbital resources.  相似文献   
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Numerous applications of the balance-of-payments-constrained growth (BPCG) model have concluded that Mexico’s equilibrium GDP growth rate fell after trade liberalization, because of a sharp rise in the income-elasticity of imports. Following the bounds testing approach of Pesaran et al. (2001), the present note estimates equations for intermediate and other types of imports in Mexico from 1960 to 2006. It shows that intermediate imports are significantly affected by manufactured exports, and that once the effect is controlled for, there is no significant rise in their income-elasticity—in contrast to what is observed for other types of imports. Since manufactured exports are highly intensive in imports, what the typical BPCG regression detects as an increase in the elasticity of intermediate imports may reflect a compositional effect, namely, the re-composition of GDP towards exports. Some implications for the BPCG model are briefly discussed in the conclusions.  相似文献   
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We encountered three methamphetamine (MA) body packers presenting simultaneously, one of whom died. Three Nigerian men (39, 35, and 37 years old) who attempted to smuggle were found to contain 35 (498 g), 21 (292 g), and 5 packages (73 g) of methamphetamine hydrochloride (MA-HCl) in their stomachs, respectively. Packages were wrapped with plastic film and Scotch tape. The 39-year-old man died with acute poisoning from c. 20 g of MA-HCl that had leaked from the packages into the stomach. His plasma MA concentration was 8.6 microg/mL when he was hospitalized (17 h before his death). Autopsy findings showed extreme pulmonary congestion and edema as well as moderate hepatic edema and several petechiae. Quantitative analysis was performed by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry. Extremely high concentrations of MA and its metabolite amphetamine (AP) were found in cardiac blood (63.5 microg/mL and 1.2 microg/mL), urine (4,518 microg/mL and 72.4 microg/mL), gastric contents (8,490 microg/mL and 16.9 microg/mL), and in all other autopsy samples. These high concentrations confirmed that the cause of death was acute MA poisoning. Furthermore, impurity-profiling analysis of the seized MA revealed that the MA smuggled by the three suspects originated from the same batch.  相似文献   
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Qualitative studies of vote buying find the practice to be common in many Latin American countries, but quantitative studies using surveys find little evidence of vote buying. Social desirability bias can account for this discrepancy. We employ a survey‐based list experiment to minimize the problem. After the 2008 Nicaraguan municipal elections, we asked about vote‐buying behavior by campaigns using a list experiment and the questions traditionally used by studies of vote buying on a nationally representative survey. Our list experiment estimated that 24% of registered voters in Nicaragua were offered a gift or service in exchange for votes, whereas only 2% reported the behavior when asked directly. This detected social desirability bias is nonrandom and analysis based on traditional obtrusive measures of vote buying is unreliable. We also provide systematic evidence that shows the importance of monitoring strategies by parties in determining who is targeted for vote buying.  相似文献   
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Distinct bodies of research have examined the link between victimization and psychological distress and cultural variables and psychological health, but little is known about how cultural variables affect psychological distress among Latino victims. Substantial research has concluded that Latino women are more likely than non-Latino women to experience trauma-related symptoms following victimization. In addition, examination of different types of cultural adaptation has found results supporting the idea that maintaining ties with one's culture of origin may be protective against negative mental health outcomes. The present study evaluates the effect of victimization, immigrant status, and both Anglo and Latino orientation on psychological distress in a national sample of Latino women. Results indicate that along with the total count of victimization experiences, Anglo and/or Latino orientation were strong predictors of all forms of psychological distress. Anglo orientation also functioned as a moderator between victimization and psychological distress measures for anger, dissociation, and anxiety. The results suggest a more nuanced and complex interaction between cultural factors, victimization, and psychological distress.  相似文献   
240.
Forests have been an important issue in world politics at least since the UNCED conference in Rio in 1992. Since then the focus of academic attention has been on global forest governance by an international forest regime complex consisting of several forest-related regimes. This strong focus leaves a research gap regarding regional regimes addressing forests as an issue area, which recently greatly gained in empirical and academic relevance. It is particularly important to understand the institutional structures on the one hand, and the policies developed within such regimes on the other. In order to obtain a better understanding of this in the forest case, the aim of this article is to analyse the institutional design of three regional forest regimes and to develop fields and hypotheses for future research. We built upon the rational design of international institutions framework developed by Koremenos et al. (Int Organ 55(4):761–799, 2001), and based our findings on content analysis of key documents as well as participant observations and expert interviews in selected occasions. The regional regimes chosen for this study were Amazonian, the Central African and pan-European forest cooperation. The results indicate that the designs of the three regimes greatly differ regarding membership, scope, control, centralisation, and flexibility. This seems to be mainly due to differing degrees of formality of the regimes (from treaty to non-treaty to hybrid regimes) as well as different power structures amongst members and regional hegemons involved. Based on our findings, future research fields for the study of regional forest-related environmental, trade, commodity, and management regime structures as well as regime policies are identified. Such insights advance our understanding of international forest governance not only by global, but by regional forest regimes as well. This is particularly true for our understanding that similar issue-specific problems, such as sustainable forest management, in terms of regime structures and regime policies may be addressed quite differently, largely depending on the preferences of regional powers and hegemons and other potential region-specific factors. We conclude by questioning a hypothesised diffusion of international institutions and propose the more precise concept of institutional osmosis instead.  相似文献   
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