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We develop a model of the peace dividend and use it to predict the fiscal consequences of a reduction in the demand for military spending. The model is based on the assumption that the political process responds to political demands and costs in a way that maximizes net political benefits. The predictions of our model on how a peace dividend will be allocated over nonmilitary spending, tax relief, and deficit reduction is tested against the experience of eight major wars in United States history.  相似文献   
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B. C. Koh 《East Asia》1994,13(2):61-74
North Korea’s foreign policy track record in the post-cold war era is mixed. Most notable setbacks are the diplomatic normalization between the Soviet Union (now Russia) and South Korea; the reversal of its UN policy that paved the way for the simultaneous admission of the two Korean states to the world organization; and the diplomatic normalization between China and South Korea. On the credit side of Pyongyang’s diplomatic ledger are changes in its relations with Tokyo and Washington. While tangible results have yet to materialize, particularly in North Korea-Japan relations, the groundwork has nonetheless been laid for significant improvement. North Korea’s suspected nuclear weapons development program has played a major role in the unfolding of its relations with the United States. Conceptually, North Korean foreign policy can be explained in terms of its quest for three interrelated goals: security, legitimacy, and development. In the post-cold war era security appears to have emerged as the most important of the three goals. North Korea is at a crossroads. The choices it makes in foreign policy will determine not only the direction of its domestic policy but, ultimately, the survival of the regime itself. The external players in Seoul, Washington, Tokyo, Beijing, Moscow, and Vienna (the IAEA) have varying degrees of leverage over Pyongyang’s policy as well.  相似文献   
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Conclusion So can the Scots learn from Woolf? The answer must be in the affirmative, for his review points up similar problems to those we encounter here. There is no room for complacency in the civil justice system in Scotland, particularly in the field of Information Technology, where court systems and expertise are sadly lacking. It is clear that there is a need for a system of case management in all civil courts, targeted in particular areas or on particular cases, but only after a rigorous reappraisal of court timetabling; and that the public will lose confidence in a civil justice system which does not meet their needs for speedy and affordable decisions, perhaps by turning their backs on it and seeking means of Alternative Dispute Resolution. As for written pleadings, perhaps the most that can be said is that the case for their complete abolition is “not proven”, but that thestatus quo should not be maintained is beyond reasonable doubt. Sheriff of Lothian and Borders at Edinburgh; Member, Sheriff Court Rules Council.  相似文献   
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