全文获取类型
收费全文 | 368篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 28篇 |
工人农民 | 61篇 |
世界政治 | 34篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 174篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 60篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 20篇 |
2016年 | 12篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 59篇 |
2012年 | 19篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 15篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 15篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有381条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
101.
The Implementation of Welfare Reform Policy: The Role of Public Managers in Front-Line Practices 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Norma M. Riccucci Marcia K. Meyers Irene Lurie Jun Seop Han 《Public administration review》2004,64(4):438-448
This study examines the extent to which staff in local welfare systems have embraced new welfare reform goals and, if so, the extent to which local management practices contribute to the alignment of staff priorities with policy objectives. It looks at agency structure and several aspects of public management from a microperspective that prior research has linked to agency performance including training, performance monitoring, staff resources, leadership characteristics, and personnel characteristics. The research indicates that front-line workers in welfare offices continue to believe that traditional eligibility determination concerns are the most important goals at their agencies. It also finds that management practices and the structuring of agency responsibilities matter: To the extent that public managers want to redirect local staff to focus their attention on the new goals associated with welfare reform, they can create the conditions under which staff have clear signals about what is expected and could provide them with the resources and incentives to realign their priorities. 相似文献
102.
This article examines how power-sharing institutions might best be designed to stabilize the transition to enduring peace among former adversaries following the negotiated settlement of civil wars. We identify four different forms of power sharing based on whether the intent of the policy is to share or divide power among rivals along its political, territorial, military, or economic dimension. Employing the statistical methodology of survival analysis to examine the 38 civil wars resolved via the process of negotiations between 1945 and 1998, we find that the more dimensions of power sharing among former combatants specified in a peace agreement the higher is the likelihood that peace will endure. We suggest that this relationship obtains because of the unique capacity of power-sharing institutions to foster a sense of security among former enemies and encourage conditions conducive to a self-enforcing peace. 相似文献
103.
Caroline Walsh 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):45-64
This paper interrogates a ‘positive’ view of culture’s (potential) role in widening compliance with international human rights
standards, which (1) concentrates on the ‘cultural’ bases of conflict over rights and, in consequence, (2) focuses primarily
on cultural interpretation as a means of achieving greater respect for rights norms. The thrust of the paper is that the relationship
between culture and human rights norms is much more complex than this positive perspective implies and, this being so, that
some of its claims about the potential benefits of cultural interpretation for widening rights compliance are hard to sustain.
I substantiate this argument by exploring five challenges to this approach. 相似文献
104.
105.
Until the mid‐2000s, territorial politics played a considerable role in both Italy and Spain. Two regionalist parties, among others, clearly contributed to this: Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and the Northern League. Yet evidence shows that the two parties, while starting from relatively similar positions, have followed diverging trajectories, particularly after the financial (and then economic) crisis that hit their respective countries. CDC pushed its pro‐autonomy stances to the extreme and eventually ended up supporting Catalan independence. On the other hand, the League dropped its regionalist agenda and even became a state‐wide party. By comparing these two cases, this article aims to shed light on the mechanisms that lead to the radicalisation or moderation (and even abandonment) of regionalist parties’ territorial demands. These opposite movements have broader implications, since they have been accompanied by increasing polarisation of territorial politics in Spain and the de‐politicisation of this issue in Italy. 相似文献
106.
107.
Hafer Carolyn L. Busseri Michael A. Rubel Alicia N. Drolet Caroline E. Cherrington Jennifer N. 《Social Justice Research》2020,33(1):1-17
Social Justice Research - Drawing on justice motive theory (Lerner et al. in Berkowitz and Walster (eds) Advances in experimental social psychology. Academic Press, New York, 1976), in the present... 相似文献
108.
Women are frequently depicted as non-human objects or animals. While female animalization has typically been conceptualized in the psychological literature as communicating a unitary perception of women, linguistic research suggests that there are at least two distinct animalizing linguistic metaphors for women that depict women at opposite ends of a sex-based power differential: ‘women-are-predators’ and ‘women-are-prey’. Are these linguistic metaphors able to shape sexist attitudes towards women? US Male and female undergraduates read an article, which concerned women voters in an election year, containing language that described women as predatory, prey-like, or in a humanized manner (baseline). They then reported their ambivalent sexist attitudes towards women in general. Consistent with both metaphors’ emphasis on sex-based power differentials, both male and female participants, who read about predatory women, exhibited greater agreement with hostile sexist attitudes than participants who read about prey-like women. This study suggests that the continued transmission of animalizing metaphors for women may help perpetuate prejudicial beliefs about appropriate roles for women in society. Media communicators might learn to identify and eliminate the use of the animalizing terms in their own work. 相似文献
109.
Rural internet use, although still limited, is growing, raising the question of how rural people are using social media politically. As a vehicle of communication that permits the rapid transmission of information, images and text across space and connections between dispersed networks of individuals, does technological advance in rural areas presage significant political transformations? This article investigates this question in the light of a poor result for the Cambodian People’s Party in the 2013 elections, and the subsequent banning of the main opposition party, before the 2018 elections. Expanding internet use in rural areas has linked relatively quiescent rural Cambodians for the first time to networks of information about militant urban movements of the poor. Rural Cambodians are responding to this opportunity through strategies of quiet encroachment in cyberspace. This has had real effects on the nature of the relationship between the dominant party and the rural population and suggests the declining utility of the election-winning strategy used by the party since 1993. However, the extent of this virtual information revolution is limited, since neither the urban nor rural poor are mapping out new online political strategies, agendas or identities that can push Cambodia’s sclerotic politics in new directions. 相似文献
110.
While global plurilateral summit institutions (PSIs) of the world's most powerful countries have long generated effective global health governance, the most recent summits of the Group of Eight (G8) and the Group of 20 (G20) have largely abandoned their earlier concern with health, especially outside its specialized food and nutrition link. However, since its start in 2009 in Yekaterinburg, Russia, the annual summit of Brazil, Russia, India, China and now South Africa (BRICS), a new PSI arising has substantially addressed health and started to lead in some ways. The BRICS summit-level health governance has been reinforced by the advent of a BRICS health ministers' forum, other health-related ministerial institutions (notably for agriculture and trade) and official and multi-stakeholder bodies. This article provides the first direct, disciplined empirical analysis of how and why the BRICS summit system has governed global health, based on the models developed for and applied to G8, G20 and United Nations summit governance. 相似文献