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551.
Catherine Warrick 《Law & society review》2005,39(2):315-348
Focusing on the issues of rape and honor killings in the Arab world, particularly Jordan, this article investigates the use of criminal laws as an element in political legitimation. These laws are an arena for contestation not merely over policy choices, but over the nature of the sociopolitical order as well. Recent debates over the alteration or preservation of such laws have highlighted the use of legal codes as an expression of dominant values in a political system. I argue that the use of gendered legal systems to serve legitimation claims has important implications for the prospects of democratization. 相似文献
552.
Catherine R. Albiston 《Law & society review》2005,39(1):11-50
The Family and Medical Leave Act requires employers to provide job-protected leave, but little is known about how these leave rights operate in practice or how they interact with other normative systems to construct the meaning of leave. Drawing on interviews with workers who negotiated contested leaves, this study examines how social institutions influence workplace mobilization of these rights. I find that leave rights remain embedded within institutionalized conceptions of work, gender, and disability that shape workers' perceptions, preferences, and choices about mobilizing their rights. I also find, however, that workers can draw on law as a culture discourse to challenge these assumptions, to build coalitions, and to renegotiate the meaning of leave. 相似文献
553.
Environmental advocacy is a large and growing activity. Whilst a number of economists have analysed the advocacy process, no systematic attempt has been made to understand the factors influencing the organisation of the sector. We explore the relationship between economies of scale and scope in advocacy. Under the most popular specification of a Tullock-type contest, economies of scope arise when (and only when) the scale of that activity is sufficiently large. The incentives for merger are socially efficient, implying no need for policy intervention. 相似文献
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In the context of the “war on terror”, Australian leaders announced that an increased threat of terrorist activity existed within Australia in 2014, which was generated by young people travelling to engage in military activity in the Middle East and returning “radicalised”. The prime minister at the time, Tony Abbott, called on Australians to rally together, in the face of such a threat, as “Team Australia”. This article analyses the responses by cartoonists to this call, focusing on the way the notion of Team Australia is portrayed as a challenge to core aspects of Australianness, such as mateship, multiculturalism and the “fair-go”. Frame analysis is used to explore how the cartoons connect with the broader populace and represent, challenge, reconstruct and rely on implicit and explicit understandings of Australianness. The cartoons frame Abbott’s Team Australia as exclusionary, unfair, politically elitist, anti-multicultural and “un-Australian”, even while pursuing a nationalist project. 相似文献
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Gaillard Y Breuil R Doche C Romeuf L Lemeur C Prevosto JM Fanton L 《Forensic science international》2011,207(1-3):e16-e18
We reported on the death by poisoning of a one-month-old baby that had followed the death of one of her sister (due to cyamemazine overdose). Exhumation of the corpse was done 8 months after burial and revealed the presence of amitriptyline. Parent drug and its metabolite were analysed by HPLC-MS/MS in positive ionisation mode on a C(18) analytical column using a gradient of acetonitrile and 2mM formate buffer at pH=3. Quantification is based on the main ion m/z=233, the common product ion of nortriptyline (MH(+), m/z 264), amitriptyline (MH(+), m/z 278) and nortriptyline D3 used as internal standard (MH(+), m/z 267). Amitriptyline and nortriptyline in the liver were measured at a concentration of 29.8 and 3.6 μg/g, respectively. Hair analyses revealed the presence of amitriptyline and nortriptyline at concentrations of 1811 and 43 pg/mg, respectively, while complementary analyses showed the presence of bromazepam in the hair at a concentration of 740 pg/mg, thus documenting previous administrations. The mother confessed later having used the drinkable form of the pharmaceutical LAROXYL(?) by pouring the content of a 20 ml bottle (at 40 mg/ml) into the feeding-bottle of her child. The milk was sweet but still bitter and following the testimony of a close relative, the whole family helped to feed the crying baby. 相似文献
560.
Karin Verlaine Rhodes Catherine L. Kothari Steven C. Marcus Catherine Cerulli 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(5):355-364
Successful criminal or civil legal system response to assaults against intimate partners (intimate partner violence; IPV)
usually rely on the victim’s participation in the legal process, including having contact with the prosecutor, filing charges,
and/or applying for an order of personal protection. Using data abstracted from criminal and civil legal system records for
a county-wide cohort of 990 female IPV victims over a 4-year period, we examine the impact of having children, and of specific
child factors, on victims’ engagement with the criminal prosecution of their abusive partners and/or seeking a personal protection
order (PPO) in the civil court system. Having children increased victim’s contact with the prosecutor and applications for
PPOs, but did not increase her likelihood of wanting to file or drop charges. Findings support prior work suggesting both
the importance and complexity of children on mothers’ decision-making. Policy makers and service providers may want to assess
survivors’ thoughts about the role children play in their decision-making. Additionally, by offering survivors interventions
to help their children address the impact of IPV exposure, survivors may be more willing to engage with services. 相似文献