Using Carrots and Sticks to Improve American Colleges

An unintended consequence of making access to college an entitlement readily available to all high school graduates is that serious study in high school has become optional—even for those intending to apply for college admission. Without an incentive to study diligently, many students are disengaged in high school and, as a result, underprepared for college. Some freshmen arrive at college thinking that having fun is the main reason they are at college and that the pursuit of knowledge should be available for when they have nothing better to do. Before World War II academically excellent students from families unable to finance college for them could apply for competitive scholarships. Scholarships mutated into “financial aid” when the GI Bill of Rights financed college for discharged veterans of World War II. Pell grants should continue to be available to youngsters who want to go to college even if they are mediocre students—provided they can persuade a college to admit them. Mediocre students are being given a chance to become “late bloomers.” Loans, however, are expected to be repaid, and mediocre high school students with bad credit ratings are likely to default on their loans, causing serious financial problems for themselves and financial complications for the American economy. Targeting loans to students with good prospects for repaying them is more prudent financially and makes more sense educationally.     

Violence and Sexual Coercion in High School Students' Dating Relationships

A review of the dating violence literature reveals a limited number of studies with high school students and few studies that investigate the contextual issues of violence, such as meaning, motivation, and consequences. The present study sought to investigate the extent of dating violence victimization in a New Zealand sample of senior high school students (aged 16 to 18 years) and the perceived reasons for the violence, emotional effects, disclosure of the violence, and relationship consequences. A questionnaire that contained both open-ended and forced-choice items pertaining to experiences of violence and its consequences was developed using material gathered from focus group discussions with high school students. Findings showed gender similarity in the extent of violence and a number of significant gender differences in the aftermath of violence, particularly in the area of sexual coercion. These findings are discussed in the context of future research and prevention of dating violence.     

Trans-Regional Security Organisations and Statist Multilateralism in Eurasia

This paper argues that there is an emerging trans-regional security complex reaching from Russia through Central Asia to China. Shared security norms have resulted in statist multilateralism, that is, state-directed cooperation on shared interests while closely guarding distinct identities and specific political features. The paper outlines member states' key political values and shows how they ‘framed’ shared understandings about security. It then explains how security norms inform the institutional designs of the two main multilateral security organisations thereby directing the nature of cooperation, testing the argument in two key conflicts: in Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan.     

Features of objectified body consciousness and sociocultural perspectives as predictors of eating and body image disturbances among young women and men in China

Body surveillance and body shame are features of objectified body consciousness that have utility in predicting body image and eating disturbances but evidence is based largely on samples in developed Western nations and it is not clear whether these factors predict disturbances independent of conceptually-related factors emphasized in alternate sociocultural accounts. To address these issues, we assessed the impact of body surveillance and body shame as well as features of other sociocultural models (i.e. perceived appearance pressure, appearance comparisons, general negative affect) on disordered eating, fatness concerns, and body dissatisfaction among young Chinese adults. University-age women (n = 466) and men (n = 230) from Chongqing, China completed validated self-report measures of demographics and the above constructs. For women, objectified body consciousness measures explained significant variance in each measure of disturbances, beyond effects of other factors; body surveillance had a unique impact in each prediction model. For men, facets of objectified body consciousness also combined for unique variance across prediction models, though body shame was the more prominent unique influence. Findings highlight the potential role of individual differences in body surveillance and body shame as influences on eating and body image of young women and men within a Chinese context.     

Bush,Blair and Hitler? A review of comparative self‐presentation

• This article (while emphatic in stressing the absence of any political or ethical connection between two recent governments, those of George W. Bush and Tony Blair, and one historic one, the genocidal empire of Adolf Hitler), argues that the Nazi regime did in fact anticipate many communications methods pursued subsequently. The Nazis sponsored a communications revolution. The conscious production of political imagery and tableaux, government via symbolic strategies, the rhetoricizing of civic culture and the centrality of the rhetorical vision, all these have become part of our political truth as well as the Nazis'. Such a reality, then as now, is underpinned by spin, rapid rebuttal, duplicity and the construction of a nirvana of statistics and benevolent data. The ultimate fate of all these regimes was bound up with an ethos of government that placed symbolism centre‐ stage; a parallel universe of imagery and symbolism is no basis on which to construct an edifice of permanence. The methodologies of these regimes do sustain comparison, the ends, of course, do not.

Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

‘Conflict and confrontation’: A comparison of the effect of trade embargoes on executive‐legislative relations in the USA during the Truman and Reagan years

This article examines the conflict between the American Congress and Presidency in US trade embargo policy during the Truman and Reagan years. After reviewing two cases of legislative‐executive confrontation over trade embargoes against the Soviet Union in the late‐1940s and early‐1950s and South Africa in the 1980s, it concludes that Congress has been successful in modifying presidential policy‐making that it believes does not serve the national interest. This is due to its powerful position in the American political process as the initiator of legislation. Its law making powers have allowed it to review executive foreign policy decisions forcing the Presidency to change its approach to particular policy concerns.