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251.
Birgitte Mednick Charlotte Reznick Dennis Hocevar Robert Baker 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1987,16(1):31-45
The purpose of this study was to explore the long-term effects of parental divorce on young adult male crime from a longitudinal perspective. Four hundred and twenty-three males were randomly selected from a Danish birth cohort. Results of analyses of variance showed an initial significant relationship between divorce and young adult crime. However, the effects of divorce disappeared when further path analysis controlled for the effects of social class and father's criminality. In addition, time of divorce did not have an effect on later criminal behavior.Received her Ph.D. from Teachers College, Columbia University, in 1975. Current interests are interactions between biological and social variables.Received her Ph.D. from the University of Southern California in 1986. Current interests are social intervention and delivery of human services.Received his Ph.D. from Cornell University in 1974. Current interests are measurement, causal modeling, and individual differences.Received his Ph.D. from the University of Nebraska (Lincoln) in 1955. Current interests are learning, instructional development, and the development of human potential. 相似文献
252.
Charlotte Heath-Kelly Christopher Baker-Beall Lee Jarvis 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2015,8(1):1-14
The articles in this special issue are drawn from papers presented at a conference entitled “Neoliberalism and/as Terror”, held at the Nottingham Conference Centre at Nottingham Trent University by the Critical Terrorism Studies BISA Working Group (CSTWG) on 15–16 September 2014. The conference was supported by both a BISA workshop grant and supplementary funds from Nottingham Trent University’s Politics and International Relations Department and the Critical Studies on Terrorism journal. Papers presented at the conference aimed to extend research into the diverse linkages between neoliberalism and terrorism, including but extending beyond the contextualisation of pre-emptive counterterrorism technologies and privatised securities within relevant economic and ideological contexts. Thus, the conference sought also to stimulate research into the ways that neoliberalism could itself be understood as terrorism, asking – amongst other questions – whether populations are themselves terrorised by neoliberal policy. The articles presented in this special issue reflect the conference aims in bringing together research on the neoliberalisation of counterterrorism and on the terror of neoliberalism. 相似文献
253.
Explaining Levels of Local Government Involvement in Service Delivery: The Dynamics of Cross‐Sector Partnerships in Malawi
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This study explores how local governments and their development partners—that is, donors, non‐governmental organisations and private companies—structure their partnerships as they work together to provide services to communities. Cases of collaboration between four organisations working in the rural water supply sector and six local governments in Malawi are studied. Using a cross‐case qualitative methodology, we illustrate how power and control translate into practices, leading to different levels of local government involvement in service delivery. This study contributes to the literature on cross‐sector partnerships in particular by developing empirically‐based propositions that help explain the dynamic trajectories that partnerships between local governments and their development partners can take. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
254.
255.
Charlotte O’Brien 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2016,38(2):228-245
UK benefit rules strip Zambrano residence rights, for UK national children and their third country national primary carers, of equal treatment entitlement. These rules are challenged in a case pending before the UK Supreme Court. This piece argues that Zambrano creates an EU-citizenship-based right to reside which necessarily entails equal treatment. UK national children in Zambrano families fall within the scope of EU law so are not prevented by the wholly internal rule from claiming equal treatment with EU national children in Teixeira families. And they are protected by equal treatment as a general principle of EU law, which requires equal treatment with other UK national children. The justifications for automatic unequal treatment put forward before, and accepted with alacrity by, the Court of Appeal, are poorly reasoned and ill-matched with the rules in question – most notably because Zambrano families may have strong connections with the UK. A CJEU reference is likely; a Zambrano right is the right to reside in the Union – it is the right to have EU rights. The substance of EU citizenship is at stake. 相似文献
256.
European Parliament (EP) elections have traditionally been described as ‘second‐order national elections' in which campaigns are fought by national parties on national issues. We argue that the 2019 elections should instead be considered ‘first‐order polity' elections. It is not EU‐level party politics or policy issues that are debated, but rather the legitimacy of the EU itself. Firstly, the EP elections have transformed into an EU ‘blame game' in which national governments are punished or rewarded over their stance on European integration. Secondly, the 2019 election was about the EU's fundamental values, not only with respect to multiculturalism, but also gender equality and LGBTQ rights. Finally, these first‐order polity elections are driven in large part by traditional news and social media platforms. While this is a long way from the patterns of the early EP elections, they still fail in fulfilling the function of holding MEPs and European party groupings adequately to account. 相似文献
257.
The Journal of Technology Transfer - 相似文献
258.
In a majority decision the Court of Appeal for England and Walesrefused to follow Jacob LJ's opinion that a limitation of disclosureon obviousness should normally apply, where there was no attemptto rebut a claim of obviousness with evidence of long-felt wantor commercial success. 相似文献
259.
Charlotte Eaton 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(2):233-247
The Spanish civil war saw two different Liberal presidencies in Colombia. Contrary to common belief, they did not follow a unified policy towards Spain but instead faced different parameters for action which shaped their response. These policies, in turn, illuminate both the internal dynamics of the two administrations and how they conceived of Colombia's position on the world stage. By providing the national, international and wider structural contexts, this article will therefore use the Spanish conflict to shine a spotlight on the Santos and López governments and the development of Colombian foreign policy during the late 1930s. 相似文献