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151.
Cullum HE McGavigan C Uttley CZ Stroud MA Warren DC 《Journal of forensic sciences》2004,49(4):684-690
This survey was carried out as a follow-up to a 1994 survey carried out by this laboratory (1) in order to determine the background levels of explosives traces in public places. The first survey concentrated on transport areas and police stations in and around London. This second study examines levels in four of the United Kingdom's major cities: Birmingham, Cardiff, Glasgow, and Manchester. Samples were taken at various transport sites and from hotels, private houses, private vehicles, and clothing. The survey showed that traces of the high explosives nitroglycerine (NG), trinitrotoluene (TNT), pentaerythritol tetranitrate (PETN), and cyclotrimethylene trinitramine (RDX) are rare within the general public environment. Only one low-level trace of RDX was detected. NG, possibly associated with the use of firearms, was detected at low levels in two samples and 2,4-DNT was detected in a separate sample. No PETN was detected in any of the samples. The results of the survey indicate that it is unlikely that persons visiting public areas could become significantly contaminated with explosives. The analytical procedures employed would also have detected ethylene glycol dinitrate (EGDN) if present at levels greater than 2 ng, nitrobenzene (NB) if present at levels greater than 50 ng, mononitrotoluenes if present at levels greater than 50 ng, and the other common isomers of dinitrotoluene if these had been present at levels in excess of 10 ng. None of these were detected. The relatively high volatility of EGDN, NB, and the mononitrotoluenes would, however, cause traces of these compounds to disperse rapidly. A proportion of the samples (approximately 7%) were analyzed for the presence of HMX. No HMX was detected. 相似文献
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153.
This paper reports and discusses the results of a survey of English and Welsh schoolchildren aged 11–18, conducted in March–May 2003, covering their attitudes to and knowledge of politics, politicians and political issues. It concentrates in particular on the way these attitudes develop as pupils get older, and also discusses the sources of information on which young people depend, and which may be the key to developing this neglected political ‘market’. It finds that pupils are unenthused by politics, but not ‘apathetic’. Both knowledge and interest increase as pupils grow older; however, negative or cynical attitudes to politicians and to political parties seem to grow at the same time. Yet young people also hold positive attitudes to the electoral process in general, though many do not accept that they will have a ‘duty to vote’ when old enough. The media, though distrusted, is the principal source of information, though it is clear that the family is highly influential; schools seem less influential. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
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155.
Robin C. Lohrey Claire A. Horner Belinda R. Williams Trevor D. Wilmshurst 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2019,78(4):596-612
Local government, the tier of government closest to the people, provides services and infrastructure which impact daily on the well‐being of local communities. Despite the Australian state‐based regulatory framework, governance dysfunction regularly results in dismissal of councils. This paper seeks to gain an insight into what is understood by corporate governance at the local government level, an area not addressed in previous research. The methodology was a case study of one local municipality in Tasmania using explanatory sequential mixed methods. Findings revealed a narrow compliance‐based understanding, with effective accountability strategies not included in that understanding. Diverse information sources, such as previous employment experience and industry‐based training, led to embedded beliefs about the meaning of corporate governance which were not necessarily shared by all. This study has implications for state governments seeking to find long‐term solutions for dysfunctional councils, and to bring about positive change. 相似文献
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157.
Claire Garbett 《Contemporary Justice Review》2016,19(3):307-324
Scholars and policy-makers typically laud restorative justice as being ‘victim-friendly’ in its rules and practices. High levels of victim satisfaction with its outcomes are put forward to substantiate this claim. However, there has been little research that engages with the constitutive role of restorative justice in shaping conceptions of identities, practices and needs. To address this gap, this article develops an analytic framework through which to assess the victim-friendly approach of restorative justice processes across social and legal contexts. In so doing, it engages with three key elements of restorative justice processes: firstly, how this justice approach conceives victims; secondly, how it shapes its practices (and not just outcomes) to address their concerns; and thirdly, how it responds to individual needs. The paper argues that engagement with the constitutive processes can bring a fresh perspective to the relationship between victims and restorative justice. 相似文献
158.
David V. James Seema Sukhwal Frank R. Farnham Julie Evans Claire Barrie Alice Taylor 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(3):309-330
A survey concerning intrusive/aggressive behaviours towards MPs was administered at Westminster, and in Queensland, New Zealand and Norway. Follow-up interviews were conducted with a sample at Westminster. This paper examines the experiences and associations of the 239 Westminster responders, of whom 81% had experienced intrusive/aggressive behaviours, 18% been subject to attack/attempted attack, and 53% stalked or harassed. Being stalked and subject to certain types of intrusive/aggressive behaviour were associated with younger age and being in the Commons five years or less, but serious incidents were more common in those who had been MPs for longer. There were no associations with brief periods of harassment. Some differences with party and constituency type emerged. Mental illness was prominent amongst perpetrators. Motives predominantly concerned personal grievances. Significant proportions of MPs suffered psychological ill-effects, necessitating inconvenient behaviour changes. Internal consistencies in these results and similarities to other sites are explored, and their implications discussed. 相似文献
159.
Andrew Ware Claire Wilson James Tapp 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(5):722-744
Evidence for mentalisation-based therapy (MBT) is increasing in relation to the treatment of personality disorder. Individuals with personality disorder are over-represented in inpatient, forensic and forensic inpatient mental health services. This study explores MBT within a forensic setting as an intervention designed to moderate deficits linked to violence and to improve adaptive coping. Interpretative phenomenological analysis was conducted on interviews with four patients who completed MBT at a high-secure hospital. Findings suggest that MBT-enhanced participants’ mentalising which had a positive impact upon their capacity to manage their behaviour and emotions. MBT further enabled participants to process past experiences of violence and develop some degree of empathy for others, which led to a trend in abstinence from risk behaviours. Findings contribute a secure inpatient perspective on the experience of MBT and to MBT clinical outcomes. 相似文献
160.
Although almost all homeless people are poor, most poor people do not experience homelessness. We use a detailed national survey to explore the role of social ties—including connection to relatives, friends, and religious community—in explaining why only a subset of poor adults fall into homelessness. We find that lifetime incidence of homelessness is reduced by 60% for individuals with strong ties along each of these dimensions. Ties to relatives are most important, followed by ties to religious community, whereas ties to friends are not associated with reduced incidence of homelessness. We also find that among currently low-income individuals, social ties are not associated with income, providing evidence that our results are not explained by unobserved variation in historical depth of poverty that is potentially correlated with our measures of social ties. 相似文献