Chemical markers from the peracid oxidation of isosafrole

In this work, isomers of 2,4-dimethyl-3,5-bis(3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl)tetrahydrofuran (11) are presented as chemical markers formed during the peracid oxidation of isosafrole. The stereochemical configurations of the major and next most abundant diastereoisomer are presented. Also described is the detection of isomers of (11) in samples from a clandestine laboratory uncovered in South Australia in February 2004.     

Mental health correlates of intimate partner violence in marital relationships in a nationally representative sample of males and females

It is important to understand the epidemiology of intimate partner violence (IPV) experienced by both males and females. Data were drawn from the U.S. National Comorbidity Survey Replication. The relationships between physical IPV and child abuse, mental disorders, and suicidal ideation and attempts among males and females were examined. The results indicate that child sexual abuse was associated with IPV among males, whereas child physical and sexual abuse was associated with IPV among females. IPV was associated with poor mental health outcomes for males and females, although sex differences are noted. The sex differences indicate that females experience a wider range of poor mental health outcomes compared to males. Knowledge about correlates of IPV can be useful in identifying individuals exposed to violence. Further research is required to identify effective methods to reduce exposure to IPV and to adequately address the specific needs of male and female victims of IPV.     

Active citizenship or passive clientelism? Accountability and development in Solomon Islands

Active citizenship and participatory community-development approaches have evolved partly in response to perceived aid-dependency among rural communities. In Solomon Islands these methods have met with mixed success. This article reflects on the frustration often felt by local and international development workers when working with rural communities. It questions some of the assumptions that shape the way in which development workers and programmes understand the types of community which make up Solomon Islands.     

Why did We Get the End of the Cold War Wrong?

In many important ways the history of modern international relations (IR) begins at the point when the international order collapses in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Indeed, the withering of communism in Central and Eastern Europe followed by the break–up of the USSR two years later, posed what many in the field saw then (and continue to regard now) as a series of problems to which the hitherto dominant paradigm in IR—realism—had no ready or easy answers. This article neither seeks to defend nor criticize realism. Rather it shifts the debate about the end of the cold war—and why most experts failed to anticipate it—away from the field of IR to the more specific study undertaken in the West of the Soviet system. It goes on to argue that the source of so much academic embarrassment may be better explained not through a rehearsal of realism's supposed flaws as an international theory, but rather through a detailed examination of the different ways that different writers understood, or more precisely failed to understand, the operation of the Soviet system itself. The conclusion reached is that few analysts could have predicted what happened between 1989 and 1991. In fact, as the article seeks to show, their often complicated and diverse theories about the USSR as the living alternative to market capitalism led most of them (with one or two notable exceptions) to the conclusion that whatever problems faced the Soviet Union as a power in the 1980s, the system as such was likely to endure.     

Awkward Class or Awkward Classes? Class relations in the Russian peasantry before collectivisation

This article develops some criticisms of Teodor Shanin's thesis concerning the class structure of the Russian peasantry up to the end of the 1920s. Rival Marxist approaches are then discussed, especially that of L. N. Kritsman and his school who saw the relations of production of the Russian peasantry as characterised by exploitative class relations between households and thus called into question all approaches asserting the social homogeneity of the peasantry as a class.     

In search of international political economy a review essay

John Edelman Spero, The Politics of International Economic Relations (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977).

Stephen D. Krasner, Defending the National Interest. Raw Materials, Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978).

Charles‐Albert Michalet, Le capitalisme mondial (Paris: Presses universi‐taires de France, 1976).     

The Royal Prerogative in the Realms

From 1840, the laws of New Zealand have comprised the common law and statute law, both of which – but especially the former – were originally based upon the laws of England and continued to draw upon English jurisprudence. Since New Zealand was regarded as a settled colony, the settlers brought with them such of the laws of England as were applicable to the circumstances of the colony. This included the royal prerogative.

Although elements of the royal prerogative are obsolete or have been subsumed in parliamentary enactments, there are a number of aspects that continue to be used by the Crown today. One is the honours prerogative. The changed nature of the Crown (and in particular its division among the realms) has, however, led to some uncertainties. In particular, there have been questions regarding the use of the royal prerogative in respect of armorial bearings, and the proper exercise and application of the Law of Arms. This has never caused serious difficulties in New Zealand – if indeed it can be said to be an issue at all – but the Canadian case of Black v Chrétien has shown that disputes over honours and dignities can arise, and can have serious political or constitutional implications.

This paper considers the introduction of the royal prerogative to the realms, and some of the implications and possible difficulties which this process may have led to.     

'His Finest Hour?' George Bush and the Diplomacy of German Unification

This article examines the diplomatic record of the Bush administration with particular reference to its role in German unification. Based upon memoir material and new sources made available since 1989, it argues that the administration in general - and George Bush in particular - played an indispensable role during these critical years. First, Bush's unequivocal support for unification drove the process forward and reinforced Germany's commitment to NATO. By reassuring countries like France, the US also managed to compel reluctant Europeans to accept unification. Finally, by working closely with Gorbachev and Shevarnadze, Washington was also able to persuade the USSR to accept what many had once thought quite unacceptable to the Russians: a united Germany within NATO. Given the part that the President played in all this, the authors suggest that the generally accepted view of Bush as a politician without purpose or plan has to be questioned. The 'statesman without a vision' who emerges from this reading of events is seen as having been a more forceful and effective diplomatic leader than some of his critics have been prepared to concede.