Portfolio Allocation or Policy Horizons? Determinants of Coalition Formation in Danish Local Government

It is widely assumed that policy considerations are important when parties form government coalitions. But if this is so, and if coalitions are negotiated in multi-dimensional policy spaces with no majority parties, then a rapid turn-over of coalitions should be observed, cf. the chaos theorem. However, we rarely witness this. Here we analyse two of the most prominent theories that address this puzzle: Laver and Shepsle's portfolio allocation model; and Warwick's policy horizon hypothesis. We do not analyse the ‘usual suspects’ (i.e. national government formations in Europe), but present a new empirical testing ground: Danish local governments. We rely on Laver and Shepsle's Winset programme to identify ‘strong parties’ in the portfolio allocation model but develop a new measure of Warwick's policy horizons that better deals with problems of multi-dimensionality. In a conditional logit analysis of survey data from 3000 local councillors, we find support for the policy horizons model, but not for the portfolio allocation model.     

Interactional Aspects of Intimate Partner Violence Result in Different Help-Seeking Behaviors in a Representative Sample of Women

This article reports a study of the possible impact of sociodemographic and interactional aspects of intimate partner violence (IPV) on help-seeking behavior. Do different sociodemographic groups of IPV survivors use different professional supports and treatments? Do different professional support and treatment agencies come predominantly in contact with women who have been subjected to different characteristics of IPV? Do different interactional IPV variables predict whether IPV victims contact the police, a family doctor, or a psychologist or psychiatrist? A representative sample of 157 women recruited from family counseling, the police, and shelters in Norway was interviewed. Three of seven sociodemographic variables showed statistically significant differences among the recruitment groups. No significant differences in characteristics of IPV were found among the recruitment groups. However, there were significant differences between the main categories (physical, psychological, and sexual) of IPV and interactional IPV factors concerning help-seeking. Our findings indicate that the help-seeking of IPV survivors is differentiated and interaction-specific and that they respond adequately to the different interactional consequences of IPV.     

Bromadiolone poisoning: LC-MS method and pharmacokinetic data

Abstract:  Poisoning with superwarfarins, like bromadiolone, is a growing public health problem, and the mortality is high. Pharmacokinetic data on bromadiolone in humans are however scarce, and there are no reports following repeated exposures to bromadiolone. We have developed a method for quantification of bromadiolone in whole blood, using liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry (LC-MS). The analytical method is reported. Limit of detection was 0.005 mg/L and limit of quantification was 0.01 mg/L. The concentrations of bromadiolone in whole blood and plasma in serial samples from a 62-year-old woman were measured. The half-life of bromadiolone in blood was estimated to be about 6 days in the initial phase of elimination and about 10–13 days in the terminal phase. The mean plasma/blood ratio of bromadiolone was 1.7 ± 0.6. Stability testing of bromadiolone in whole blood samples after two cycles of freeze and thaw revealed that bromadiolone concentrations decreased.     

Preventing radicalisation in Norwegian schools: how teachers respond to counter-radicalisation efforts

ABSTRACT

This article explores how selected educators respond to the integration of counter-radicalisation efforts into Norwegian secondary schools. Our research participants describe having limited encounters with youth extremism in practice, yet their narratives exhibit a professional responsibility to prevent students from being radicalised towards any form of violent extremism. There are, however, diverging views on how prevention should be carried out in school. When faced with concerns of radicalisation, most participants draw on therapeutic prevention, which conforms to the dominant radicalisation discourse in global politics aimed at identifying and rehabilitating vulnerable youth. We argue that these therapeutic prevention strategies are a form of pedagogical control intended to recondition “illiberal” students under the pretext of national security. Considering the strong normative and political connotations of extremism-related issues, we recommend that educators tread cautiously in their prevention efforts. Educators must especially strive to find a balance between deterring students from radicalisation and violent extremism, while also ensuring that these efforts do not impede the agency and autonomy of young lives. Overall, this research raises some ethical and practical concerns about preventing radicalisation and violent extremism in Norwegian schools.     

Recidivism among sex offenders: a follow-up study of 541 Norwegian sex offenders

A study of recidivism to sexual offences was conducted among Norwegian males who had received their first conviction for a sexual crime during the years 1970-1974. Five hundred and forty-one out of a total of 1,071 offenders were randomly selected and followed by means of official and public register systems until the end of August 1983. No one was contacted personally by the investigators. The recidivism rate was 12.8%, with the rapists having the highest tendency to commit new sexual crimes. Acts like incest, exploitation of someone in the custody of the perpetrator or similar felonies against so-called public morals were least likely to be repeated. Most of the repeat offenders only had one single subsequent offence, either of the same type of crime as at the first or to a less severe crime. Only a handful committed more than one repeat offence. A large number of the sexual offenders had committed others types of crimes, some prior to their first conviction for the sexual crime and some subsequent. Most of our criminally convicted males had a record of mixed criminality, in which crimes of profit and violence dominated.     

Sub-National Election Campaigns: The Danish Local Elections of November 1989*

Electoral campaigning is studied almost without exception at the national level. This article has chosen another road, claiming that electoral campaigning can also be studied at the local election level. Campaigning before the Danish local elections of 21 November 1989 is studied. The design permits comparisons between the two levels (national/local) as well as between different units at the local level. It furthermore provides an opportunity for studying the influence of local party systems as well as local mass media on election campaigning. A substantial part of the article discusses the institutional frameworks surrounding electoral campaigning in the municipalities studied and in general. It is maintained that the electoral system, the mass media structure, and the (local) party system are important contextual factors or frameworks. Given this, it is argued that organization, past performance, and campaign focus as a mix of policy proposals and leader image are paramount in affecting the local election vote. The main conclusions are: local election campaigning differs from national election campaigning; local election campaigning matters, i.e. it has a direct effect on the vote; and the functions of local party organizations in connection with local elections and local performance make them less vulnerable to organizational decline, which most mass membership political parties are experiencing at the national level.     

Embodying ‘the Nordic race’: imaginaries of Viking heritage in the online communications of the Nordic Resistance Movement

ABSTRACT

Kølvraa’s article focuses on the cultural imaginary of the Scandinavian extreme right by analysing the online presence of the so-called Nordic Resistance Movement. He seeks to show how the cultural imaginaries of this National Socialist organization make use of the Scandinavian Viking heritage in three distinct ways. First, to produce a distinctly Nordic form of National Socialism and thus potentially make this ideology palatable to Nordic publics. Second, to differentiate their racially oriented political project from a wider far-right or populist right concern with the defence of European Christian heritage and/or civilization against Islam. And, third, to thematize and perform a certain hyper-masculine identity, especially in the context of martial and sporting competitions arranged by the organization.