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11.
Brigitte Young 《German politics》2013,22(1):62-77
The real losers in restructuring the former East German university system are women scholars. Women are not only the first to lose their positions in the process of Abwicklung they are also the last to be considered in the new stage of rebuilding the university system. Thus the politics of Abwicklung, has to be understood as a microcosm of the gendered nature of German unification as a whole. Unification has provided German conservatives the opportunity to roll back not only the social policies of the east, but also the feminist achievements in the west. While this process may, because of the specificity of unification, be restricted to the German situation, nevertheless many studies show that even without the process of unification, women in virtually all former eastern European countries are experiencing their ‘forced’ return to the private sphere. 相似文献
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John W. Young 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):81-100
Recent decades have seen growing historical interest in “second rank” officials who, whilst they do not play a leading role in government or political movements, can influence the way decisions are shaped and executed. At the same time, the interest of scholars in American policy during the Vietnam War shows no signs of abating. This article investigates the experience of one second rank official during the war, David Bruce, who was Ambassador to London during 1961–1969. Making particular use of Bruce's extensive diaries, it traces his shifting views on the war, looks at the extent to which he shared the outlook of other official,s and asks what influence, if any, he had on events. It argues that, whilst he always remained loyal to his own government and often mirrored the outlook of the Johnson Administration, Bruce had his own perspective on events, was consistently critical of American tactics on the ground, and, in Spring 1967, influenced by Robert McNamara, became an early advocate of retrenchment. 相似文献
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Lola Young 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1-2):45-60
Young looks at the place of black feminists in today's academy in Britain, and poses some questions for contemporary self-identified black and white feminists based in that country. There is a new confidence among some black, professional Britons but infiltration into the academy remains problematic for many. Black British feminists and writers are largely absent in so-called postcolonial literary canons developed in the Anglo-American institutions, and by and large black British feminists are only offered fragile support by white feminists. Although African-American feminism offers intellectual sustenance and networks, the situation in the United States is very different, particularly as, there, black feminism has had much more impact and recognition. Discussions of the intersections of race, class and gender are rare in Britain outside black feminism, and there has been much less attention than in the States to black women's writing. Perhaps some kind of 'provisional essentialism' is still needed, for it is difficult for black feminist academics ever to feel the question of race is optional. It can be argued that 'blackness' is used to describe women of very different origins, and can obscure differential histories, but 'blackness' is always a political concept, not a register of national belonging. Black women have transformed British culture, but white feminists have largely failed to understand their problems. Attention to the social history of black women in Britain, and particularly to the creative work of black women writers, filmmakers and other cultural workers, is the place at which a new analysis should begin. 相似文献
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Dominique Schnapper 《Society》2009,46(2):175-179
Modern democracies increasingly confuse civic or political equality with a radical relativism that calls into question legitimate
principles of hierarchy and the very idea of reasonable value judgments. This confusion reflects a “corruption,” in Montesquieu’s
sense, of democracy rooted in a refusal to recognize distinctions that are integral to both human nature and social life.
A moderate form of cultural relativism is a genuine intellectual achievement that helps combat ethnocentrism and allows one
to better appreciate the full range of human experience. But criteria of meaning and truth are by no means entirely dependent
upon cultural context. Our contemporary awareness of the “relativity” of cultures and historical experiences must be complemented
by a robust appreciation of the universality of Reason and citizenship.
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
Dominique SchnapperEmail: |
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
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高等学校毕业论文教学环节改革研究与实践 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
为了提高本科毕业论文的质量,可以在保证选题一致性的前提下,整合本科学年论文与毕业论文的写作时间,在学年论文阶段完成自主选题和资料收集的前期工作,毕业论文在此基础上进一步拓展和探讨. 相似文献
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