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111.
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Sarah Birch 《Political studies》1998,46(1):96-114
In the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1994 the Communist party gained the greatest number of seats, yet the presidential election of the same year was won by a liberal reformer, Leonid Kuchma. The question arises as to how within a period of only a few months the Ukrainian electorate could have brought about such divergent results. This article addresses the question with reference to the workings of the Ukrainian electoral systems. It argues firstly, that the systems governing the two types of election created distinctive incentive structures for campaign strategy which interacted with the structure of preferences of the electorate in different ways, and secondly, that majoritarian aggregative formulae had different effects in the two sets of elections. 相似文献
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James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
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Andreas Weiß 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(4):663-677
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Andreas Wei? geb. 1978. Magister Artium, Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am SFB 640 Repr?sentationen sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel, Teilprojekt A5 Transnationale ?ffentlichkeiten und Repr?sentationen im Vergleich: Europa, arabische Welt, Russland, 1850er–1910er Jahre und 1990er Jahre der Humboldt-Universit?t zu Berlin. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Europa des 19./20. Jahrhunderts, Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen Europa und der au?ereurop?ischen Welt mit Schwerpunkt Asien. 相似文献
Andreas Wei?Email: |
Andreas Wei? geb. 1978. Magister Artium, Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am SFB 640 Repr?sentationen sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel, Teilprojekt A5 Transnationale ?ffentlichkeiten und Repr?sentationen im Vergleich: Europa, arabische Welt, Russland, 1850er–1910er Jahre und 1990er Jahre der Humboldt-Universit?t zu Berlin. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Europa des 19./20. Jahrhunderts, Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen Europa und der au?ereurop?ischen Welt mit Schwerpunkt Asien. 相似文献
119.
Hildegard Theobald 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(2):257-281
Social and demographic changes in western societies have led to a (re-)definition of social rights related to care-dependency and the introduction of further regulations of formal and informal care delivery. Care has increasingly become provided in the public sectors – the state, market and civic sector – and new types of cash benefits to support informal family care have been introduced. In this article, the concept of social care is used as a theoretical tool to analyse the relationship between the (re-)definition of social rights, the growth of a regular or grey care labour market and the related development of new forms of inequality according to socio-economic class and ethnicity in the female dominated area. The empirical comparison of the developments in Sweden, Germany and Italy reveals the dimensions of social rights – eligibility criteria, level and types of benefits – which are decisive for the growth of a regular and grey care labour market and the intersection of different forms of inequality. 相似文献
120.
Thomas Schwinn 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(1):8-31
The impact of globalization on the structure of social inequality is controversial discussed in actual debates. The national focused research is challenged by globalists. The article concentrates on the problem of order and shows how this is solved by the national structures of social inequality. In the next step the reasons for and against the national solution are presented. Finally the possibility of transnational constituting structures of social inequality is examined. How probable is the structuration of global inequality if basic elements of order are missing on this level? 相似文献