全文获取类型
收费全文 | 350篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 35篇 |
工人农民 | 27篇 |
世界政治 | 29篇 |
外交国际关系 | 16篇 |
法律 | 183篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 66篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 45篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 14篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 26篇 |
2006年 | 23篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有366条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
291.
In the current climate of increasing antagonisms and populist discontents surrounding the visible presence of mainland mobilities in postcolonial Hong Kong, there is an acute need to understand how those from Mainland China are racialized. Lowe and Tsang's article provides an examination of the campaign against Mainlanders prevalent in Hong Kong society. The emergent conflicts between Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese migrants overlap with the duality of time or differing time-inflected cultural habits of Mainlanders and Hong Kongers. As Hong Kong's citizenry and Mainlanders contest the status of the former colony and claim rights over it in ways aberrant to both factions' national consciousness, discrimination increases as Mainlanders are castigated by Hong Kongers for grazing their territory with mannerisms deemed unsettling to Hong Kong's everyday notions of time and space. Hong Kongers' sense of collective identity is shored-up as they reject the People's Republic of China’s favoured concept of pan-Chinese ethnicity by constructing Mainlanders as the inverse of themselves. 相似文献
292.
Mary Kathleen Deutscher Keith D. Walker Peter W.B. Phillips 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2019,62(2):181-201
The policy and practice of public administration are caught between two seemingly incommensurate goals. Public servants are expected to be responsible to the oversight and control of democratically elected governments, yet, as the policy space becomes more complex, are forced to exercise more judgment and discretion in their responsibilities. Individual, collective, and professional conscience is motivated across this spectrum of challenges. This article explores the concepts of discretion and conscience in theory and practice in the Canadian context. It offers insights into how conscience can, and perhaps must, be both accommodated and supported more appropriately in the practice of 21st‐century public administration and service. At root, we argue that an array of strategies and approaches may help to build relational reciprocity to a broader set of norms that are necessary for efficient and effective governance. 相似文献
293.
294.
South Korea–Japan relations are at their lowest point in decades, as colonial era disputes flare once again. Most pundits argue that the South Korean public is strongly united against Japan. We argue that South Korean elites are sharply divided over how to manage the crisis; this division is starting to impact how South Koreans understand colonial era narratives; and, long-term, bilateral relations depend on how these growing divisions play out. Despite state censorship, a rising counter-narrative in South Korea challenges the dominant, Manichaean, anti-Japanese one. For the first time, Korea and Japan have a realistic chance of reconciling based on liberal public discourse and a nuanced, empirically based understanding of history. 相似文献
295.
296.
297.
298.
Drug courts combine punishment and treatment to provide an intermediate sanction for offenders. This paper contains an analysis
of drug court case files for 196 participants in one mid-Atlantic jurisdiction. Logistic regression reveals that employment
status before and during the program, race, education, and referral time are significant predictors of successful completion.
Policy implications and suggestions about participant screening and program administration are offered.
The authors would like to thank the editor and the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments and suggestions. 相似文献
299.
Eileen F. Babbitt 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(4):539-549
Shaped by the changing nature of international conflict, the field of international conflict resolution evolved significantly throughout the latter years of the twentieth century and continues to be redefined. The end of the Cold War created space for a major transformation of the international conflict resolution field. This transformation was marked by three trends: (1) an expansion from a focus on superpower negotiating strategies to a wider peacebuilding agenda, (2) an increase in the role of nongovernmental actors as both disputants and third parties in international conflicts, and (3) a growing concern about human security in addition to state security, creating both tensions and opportunities for collaboration between governmental and nongovernmental bodies. This article presents a brief overview of each trend, as well as some concluding questions to frame the field's further development at this important juncture. 相似文献
300.
Charlottesville Paradox: The ‘Liberalizing’ Alt-Right, ‘Authoritarian’ Left,and Politics of Dialogue
In the aftermath of the 2017 Charlottesville tragedy, the prevailing narrative is a Manichean division between ‘white supremacists’ and ‘anti-racists’. We suggest a more complicated, nuanced reality. While the so-called ‘Alt-Right’ includes those pursuing an atavistic political end of racial and ethnic separation, it is also characterised by pluralism and a strategy of nonviolent dialogue and social change, features associated with classic liberalism. The ‘Left,’ consistent with its historic mission, opposes the Alt-Right’s racial/ethnic prejudice; but, a highly visible movement goes farther, embracing an authoritarianism that would forcibly exclude these voices from the public sphere. This authoritarian element has influenced institutions historically committed to free expression and dialogue, notably universities and the ACLU. We discuss these paradoxes by analysing the discourse and actions of each movement, drawing from our study of hundreds of posts and articles on Alt-Right websites and our online exchanges on a leading site (AltRight.com). We consider related news reports and scholarly research, concluding with the case for dialogue. 相似文献