全文获取类型
收费全文 | 227篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 10篇 |
工人农民 | 36篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 101篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 48篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 36篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 11篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1965年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有234条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
31.
32.
33.
Child support reforms have focused almost exclusively on punitive measures, driven by the stereotypical image of a “deadbeat dad” who can afford to pay child support but refuses to do so. This image fits some noncustodial fathers, but ignores the diverse nature of this population. We show that lack of income is a significant barrier to child support payments for 16 to 33 percent of young noncustodial fathers, whom we call “turnips” after the common saying that “You can't get blood from a turnip.” Furthermore, the characteristics of turnips are similar to those of custodial mothers who are long-term welfare recipients—both are disproportionately composed of young, poorly educated, never-married minorities with little work experience. These findings suggest that a new approach to child support enforcement is needed, one that offers these fathers flexible child support orders that both reflect their current economic circumstances and provide employment and training assistance to enable them to meet their child support obligations in the future. 相似文献
34.
To date few reports have provided direct comparison of psychosocial vulnerability and resources among youth with victimization and perpetration histories. Within a racially diverse, high-risk adolescent sample (n = 849), this study undertakes MANCOVA tests on a multidimensional set of risk and protective factors contrasting youth with histories of 1) neither violent victimization nor perpetration, 2) victimization only , 3) both perpetration only, and 4) both victimization and perpetration. All three violence-affected groups reported elevated risk and diminished protection, with perpetrating victims demonstrating the greatest psychosocial impairment. Detailed contrasts among the youth group profiles provide insights regarding overlapping and distinct developmental etiologies and implications for preventive and remedial intervention. 相似文献
35.
Shane Darke Ph.D. Johan Duflou M.Med.Path. F.R.C.P.A. Sharlene Kaye Ph.D. Michael Farrell F.R.C.P. F.R.C.Psych. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(5):1421-1426
Psychostimulant use is associated with increased stroke risk. To determine the proportion of psychostimulant users among fatal strokes in young adults (15–44 years), all cases were retrieved from the National Coronial Information System (1/1/2009–31/12/2016). A total of 279 cases were identified: hemorrhagic (259), ischemic (8), thrombotic (8), and mycotic (4). Fifty (17.9%) were identified as psychostimulant users. Psychostimulants in blood were detected in 37/45 where toxicology was available, predominantly methamphetamine (32/45). Hemorrhagic strokes in the psychostimulant group were more likely to be intraparenchymal (OR 2.33). Psychostimulant users were less likely to be obese (OR 0.31), but more likely to have a history of tobacco use (OR 2.64). No psychostimulant user had a previous stroke history, was gravid/postpartum, or diagnosed with cerebral vasculitis or endocarditis. The work illustrates the substantial role of psychostimulant use in fatal strokes among young adults. In cases of hemorrhagic stroke among young adults, psychostimulant use should be considered. 相似文献
36.
37.
Richard E. Mattson Timothy J. O’Farrell Candice M. Monson Jillian Panuzio Casey T. Taft 《Journal of family violence》2010,25(1):33-42
This study examined whether female-to-male (FTM) psychological aggression predicted men’s relapse of substance use disorder
(SUD) 6 months following substance use treatment. Men diagnosed with either a substance abuse or dependence disorder who had
recently begun an SUD treatment program participated in the study with their female relationship partners (N = 173). Logistic regression was used to examine the relationship between baseline FTM psychological aggression and SUD relapse
when controlling for baseline demographic, dyadic, substance abuse- and treatment-related variables, as well as frequencies
of other male- and female-perpetrated aggressive dyadic behaviors. Higher frequencies of severe, but not minor, forms of FTM
psychological aggression uniquely predicted an increased risk of relapse at 6 months follow-up. These data add to the developing
research program highlighting the negative sequelae of female-perpetrated psychological aggression and also provide an empirical
basis for targeting specific dyadic behaviors in the context of SUD treatment and relapse prevention. 相似文献
38.
Miranda Mourby Elaine Mackey Mark Elliot Heather Gowans Susan E. Wallace Jessica Bell Hannah Smith Stergios Aidinlis Jane Kaye 《Computer Law & Security Report》2018,34(2):222-233
There has naturally been a good deal of discussion of the forthcoming General Data Protection Regulation. One issue of interest to all data controllers, and of particular concern for researchers, is whether the GDPR expands the scope of personal data through the introduction of the term ‘pseudonymisation’ in Article 4(5). If all data which have been ‘pseudonymised’ in the conventional sense of the word (e.g. key-coded) are to be treated as personal data, this would have serious implications for research. Administrative data research, which is carried out on data routinely collected and held by public authorities, would be particularly affected as the sharing of de-identified data could constitute the unconsented disclosure of identifiable information.Instead, however, we argue that the definition of pseudonymisation in Article 4(5) GDPR will not expand the category of personal data, and that there is no intention that it should do so. The definition of pseudonymisation under the GDPR is not intended to determine whether data are personal data; indeed it is clear that all data falling within this definition are personal data. Rather, it is Recital 26 and its requirement of a ‘means reasonably likely to be used’ which remains the relevant test as to whether data are personal. This leaves open the possibility that data which have been ‘pseudonymised’ in the conventional sense of key-coding can still be rendered anonymous. There may also be circumstances in which data which have undergone pseudonymisation within one organisation could be anonymous for a third party. We explain how, with reference to the data environment factors as set out in the UK Anonymisation Network's Anonymisation Decision-Making Framework. 相似文献
39.
40.
Legislative recruitment to upper houses: The Australian senate and house of representatives compared
Although a majority of liberal democracies are bicameral, only four – Australia, the United States, Germany and Switzerland – have upper houses which have any significant legislative authority. However, it is unclear to what extent upper house members differ – in their backgrounds and beliefs – from their lower house counterparts. This article applies multivariate methods to survey data collected among 1993 Australian federal election candidates to examine patterns of legislative recruitment and political attitudes among Australian Senate and House of Representatives candidates. The results show that Senate candidates differ significantly in their personal : and political backgrounds when compared to House of Representatives candidates, although there are few, if any, differences in political views. The findings confirm the strong discipline that the major parties exercise over the Senate, particularly by selecting candidates who are more party – oriented than their lower house counterparts. This is anomalous given that the original purpose of the upper house was to defend the interests of the smaller states and territories. Finally, the article discusses the implications of this increasing partisan control of upper houses for responsible party government. 相似文献