Political Homophily and Collaboration in Regional Planning Networks

We study the extent of political homophily—the tendency to form connections with others who are politically similar—in local governments’ decisions to participate in an important form of intergovernmental collaboration: regional planning networks. Using data from a recent survey of California planners and government officials, we develop and test hypotheses about the factors that lead local governments to collaborate within regional planning networks. We find that local governments whose constituents are similar politically, in terms of partisanship and voting behavior, are more likely to collaborate with one another in regional planning efforts than those whose constituents are politically diverse. We conclude that political homophily reduces the transaction costs associated with institutional collective action, even in settings where we expect political considerations to be minimal.     

Vera Zasulich,the shooting of Trepov and the growth of political terrorism in Russia, 1878–1881

Abstract

This article is an analysis of a trial that has been described as the most momentous in the history of Imperial Russia. In January 1878 Vera Zasulich, later a correspondent of Marx and a critic of Lenin, shot at and wounded Fyodor Trepov, the Governor of St. Petersburg; her trial and acquittal a few months later sparked a wave of political terrorism in Russia that culminated on March 1, 1881 in the assassination of Tsar Alexander II. The article attempts to demonstrate, among other things, that the Trepov shooting was hardly the political act it was perceived to be by contemporaries who were inspired by it to resort to terrorism in an effort to overthrow autocracy. That historians as well have treated the Trepov shooting as “political'’ makes it imperative that this misperception be corrected. The author concludes from a lengthy exploration of Zasulich's motives that, in moral terms, they compare favorably with those of most terrorists today.     

Modelling Transitions To and From Democracy

This article describes the results of a broad reanalysis of factors shaping the prospects of countries making a transition to or from democracy using a new measure of regime type. While some of the results are consistent with prior quantitative and comparative research, others are not. For example, in line with other studies, the article finds that autocracies are more likely to make a transition to democracy when they offer broader protections for civil liberties, experience a change in political leadership, or suffer an economic downturn. At the same time, the analysis does not support the claim that transitions in neighbouring countries directly improve prospects for a transition to democracy, or that economic decline and presidential systems heighten the risk of democratic breakdown. Perhaps most intriguing, our model of transitions to democracy also identifies a new twist on old stories linking economic development to democratization. For countries under authoritarian rule that have attempted democracy before, the research here indicates that development does improve prospects for another attempt, as modernization theory suggests. For countries with no democratic experience, however, affluence conveys no direct democratizing benefit and appears, if anything, to help sustain authoritarian rule.     

‘Belmopan. A New Capital for a New Nation’ State,Nation and Ethnicity at the Time of Independence

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national ‘us’ and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of ‘divide and rule’. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of ‘citizenship from below’.     

How shelter counselors' views about responsibility for wife abuse relate to services they provide to battered women

A survey of shelter counselors found their views of responsibility for wife abuse were significantly related to their: (a) support of a battered woman's decision to remain married, and (b) belief that battering husbands can stop being abusive. Counselors who viewed the husband and wife as equally responsible for wife abuse were the most supportive of a woman's decision to remain married and were most likely to believe that batterers are able to stop being abusive. Counselors who viewed the batterer as completely responsible for wife abuse were more likely to encourage battered women who want to remain married to end their marriage, and believe batterers are unable to stop being abusive.     

State and Local Government Officials' Perspectives on Intergovernmental Relationships in Surface Transportation Policy: 1987 and 2001

This article reports results of nationwide surveys of stateand local government officials conducted in 2000/2001 concerningtheir perspectives on intergovernmental relationships in surfacetransportation. It then compares the survey results with theresults from a 1987 survey on the same topic that was conductedby the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations.Although there was some variation among the categories of stateand local government officials surveyed, overall, both stateand local government officials report that they are relativelysatisfied with intergovernmental relationships in surface transportationand that those relationships have generally improved since 1987.     

“Clean up and go straight”: Effects of drug treatment on recidivism among felony probationers

The central question we address in this article is whether participation in court-ordered drug treatment programs reduces future criminal involvement among convicted property offenders who have a history of drug abuse. Using a national sample of male property offenders sentenced to felony probation, we analyze drug treatment experience on probationers’ recidivism rates by employing proportional hazards techniques. Results indicate that how successful white men are in completing courtordered drug treatment programs has no significant effect on their recidivism rates. However, AfricanAmerican and Hispanic men who satisfy the expectations of their drug treatment programs are significantly less likely to be rearrested. Overall, our findings support the contention that drug treatment reduces further criminal behavior among men on probation for felony property offenses. Thus, we recommend that court service personnel strive to provide drug treatment programs for property offenders with a history of drug abuse and that supervisors closely monitor probationers’ activities while in treatment to assure lower rates of recidivism. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Sociological Society in Chicago in April 1996.     

Obtaining public input for health‐systems decision‐making: Past experiences and future prospects

Abstract: Interest in finding more effective methods for public involvement in decision‐making about health systems is more widespread than ever in Canada since significant aspects of health‐care decision‐making were devolved from provincial governments to regional health authorities. Involving the public can be risky business, however, as the accountability and legitimacy of decisions made by governing authorities are often assessed against the nature and degree of interaction that occurs with the public. Consequently, decision‐makers in a variety of policy domains routinely struggle with questions about when it is appropriate to involve the public, what the most effective means are for doing this, and how to measure their success. The authors analysed these issues by documenting the experiences of health‐systems decision‐makers in two Canadian provinces (Ontario and Quebec) with public consultation and participation over the past decade. Their findings illustrate that despite the different roles and responsibilities held by Ontario and Quebec decision‐makers, decisions to consult with their communities are driven by the same basic set of objectives: to obtain information from and to provide information to the community; to ensure fair, transparent and legitimate decision‐making processes; and to garner support for their outcomes. Decision‐makers also acknowledged the need to rethink approaches for involving the public in decision‐making processes in response to the perceived failure of past public participation and consultation processes. While these experiences have clearly left some participation practitioners feeling beleaguered, many are approaching future community consultation processes optimistically with plans for more focused, purposeful consultations that have clear objectives and more formal evaluation tinged with a healthy dose of pragmatism. Sommaire: L'intérêt que I'on porte à trouver des méthodes plus efficaces pour inciter le public à participer à la prise de décisions au sujet des systèmes de santé ne cesse de grandir au Canada depuis que les gouvemements provinciaux ont transféré aux autorités régionales la responsabilité d'importants aspects de la prise de décisions dans ce domaine. Cependant, faire intervenir le public peut être une affaire délicate, car la transparence et la légitimité des décisions prises par les autorités existantes sont souvent évaluées par rapport à la nature et au degré d'interaction qui se produit avec le public. C'est pourquoi, les décideurs dans divers domaines de politiques ont généralement de la difficultéà déterminer quand il convient de demander I'avis du public, quels sont les moyens les plus efficaces pour le faire et comment mesurer leur succès. Nous avons analysé ces questions en documentant les expériences que les décideurs des systèmes de santé de deux provinces canadiennes (l'Ontario et le Québec) avaient eues en ce qui concerne les efforts de participation et de consultation publique au cours de la derniére décennie. Nos conclusions démontrent qu'en dépit des divers rôles tenus et diverses responsabilités assumées par les décideurs de I'Ontario et du Québec, leur déision de consulter leurs communautés est guidée par les mêmes principaux objectifs: obtenir de I'information de la communauté et lui en foumir; assurer des processus de prise de déisions justes, transparents et légitimes et obtenir I'aval de leur décision. Les décideurs ont également reconnu le besoin de repenser les approches visant à faire participer le public aux processus de prise de décisions suite à I'échec perçu des expériences antérieures de participation et de consultation du public. Alors que certains partisans de la participation ont été clairement découragés par ces expériences, un grand nombre envisagent avec optimisme les processus de consultation communautaire. Ils croient que les consultations pourraient être plus focalisées et plus déterminées visant des objectifs clairs et une évaluation plus formelle et empreinte d'une bonne dose de pragmatisme.