全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1063篇 |
免费 | 40篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 62篇 |
工人农民 | 161篇 |
世界政治 | 73篇 |
外交国际关系 | 41篇 |
法律 | 555篇 |
中国政治 | 16篇 |
政治理论 | 192篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 30篇 |
2019年 | 32篇 |
2018年 | 55篇 |
2017年 | 45篇 |
2016年 | 44篇 |
2015年 | 36篇 |
2014年 | 31篇 |
2013年 | 131篇 |
2012年 | 31篇 |
2011年 | 36篇 |
2010年 | 25篇 |
2009年 | 41篇 |
2008年 | 35篇 |
2007年 | 46篇 |
2006年 | 35篇 |
2005年 | 40篇 |
2004年 | 41篇 |
2003年 | 30篇 |
2002年 | 32篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 15篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 16篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 15篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 17篇 |
1990年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 16篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 11篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 8篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1103条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
951.
This article explores what happened when two people personally affected by a 1999 homicide participated in an online forum in which the homicide was being discussed. The two individuals in question were the younger brother of the victim and the elder brother of the man convicted of her murder. The case had been the subject of a 12-part audio podcast called Serial. An online forum—the Serial Subreddit—had been set up independently of the podcast and its producers as a space for listeners to discuss their views on the case. We analyzed the contributions of the two aforementioned individuals and the responses they received. We argue that new media spaces like the Serial Subreddit break down the traditional barriers between those personally affected by homicide and consumers of mediated representations of homicide. As such, they raise important questions for criminologists. 相似文献
952.
Most Arabs, including intellectuals, agree that the recent uprisings have profoundly changed the realities they have known for decades since the independence of their states. The historical character of the moment, and the emergence of a youth capable of producing unprecedented changes, have together forced an older generation of Arab intellectuals, born roughly between the 1930s and the 1950s, to acknowledge the coming of a new generation of critics and rebels. This article looks at how thinkers of the older generation have written about the uprisings and its actors, by examining their public statements in the form of articles or interviews on television channels, in newspapers and journals, some of them newly launched. I focus on Lebanese poet Abbas Baydoun, Syrian philosopher Sadeq Jalal al-Azm, Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury, Egyptian novelist Baha' Taher, Bahraini thinker Muhammad Jaber al-Ansari, Syrian poet Adonis and Tunisian sociologist Taher Labib. While most of them value the importance of intellectual work in the struggle for human dignity and freedom, they also admit its limitations. They reflect on the significance of the popular and youth participation in advancing the causes they militated for in previous decades. 相似文献
953.
Burke A. Hendrix Danielle Delaney Richard C. Witmer Mark Moran Will Sanders Elizabeth Ganter 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(1):26-40
This paper compares key aspects of governance structures for Indigenous populations in the United States and Australia. The paper focuses on policy coordination and administration, in particular the nodes of decision-making in the two countries in relation to government contracting and accountability. The U.S. approach to funding Indigenous organizations stems from the 1975 Indian Self-Determination and Education Act and its subsequent expansions. Through the development of contracting into permanent compacting via block grants, this approach builds established nodes of Indigenous government and facilitates whole-of-government coherence at the level of the American Indian tribe. The U.S. approach seems correlated with better performance and may lighten bureaucratic loads over the long term. The Australian model, on the other hand, seeks to create whole-of-government coherence through top-down financial accountability in a way that hampers the development of Indigenous political capacity. The paper traces the development of these practices through time and illustrates how they contribute to the fragmentation rather than growth of Indigenous political capacities. It suggests ways the Australian model could be improved even in the absence of fundamental reform by drawing on the contracting-to-compacting framework of longstanding U.S. practices. 相似文献
954.
955.
Bill Pritchard Jane Dixon Elizabeth Hull Chetan Choithani 《The Journal of peasant studies》2016,43(3):693-710
In recent years, a number of middle-income countries and influential multilateral institutions have instigated actions that frame food system governance around social protection and rights. These state-centered mobilizations raise fundamental questions about how to portray the global politics of food. Since the late 1980s, analysts have largely concurred that US hegemony in the global politics of food has given way to diverse and volatile neo-liberalist and corporate-led food system governance. However, what should we make of a situation where state and supra-state actors are flexing their powers to reshape food systems in line with rights-based models? Should this be understood as reflexes which aim to preserve national order, at a time of intensified food and nutrition insecurities? Or, does it lay the foundations of a re-governed system which curbs and molds a corporate-led politics of food within frameworks of justice? This contribution responds to these questions by tracing the evolution of social protection and rights-based approaches to the politics of food at the multilateral level and in two influential jurisdictions (India and South Africa). We argue that these initiatives underline a robust and continuing role of state power in global food politics, albeit in a novel fashion compared to previous entanglements. 相似文献
956.
957.
Kristin L. Moilanen Carol A. Markstrom Elizabeth Jones 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(3):454-469
School-based extracurricular activity involvement has been associated with lower levels of substance use among adolescents from various populations; however, these associations have only been slightly examined among American Indian (AI) adolescents. Building from various theoretical perspectives, it was hypothesized that AI adolescents’ perceived access to and the intensity (i.e., frequency) of participation in extracurricular activities would be associated with lower substance use and less engagement in risky substance use behaviors (i.e., being drunk or high at school, riding/driving with an intoxicated driver, and selling drugs). The moderating influences of sex, age, reservation residence, and metropolitan status also were examined. Data from the 2010 Arizona Youth Survey were analyzed for 5,701 8th, 10th, and 12th grade AI adolescents (49.1 % female). The expected protective effects of extracurricular participation were demonstrated, such that high levels of perceived availability and intensity of participation consistently predicted low levels of all outcomes. Some of these associations were moderated by one or more demographic factors, with unique patterns emerging for each behavior. Ultimately, the findings suggest that AI adolescents benefit from the availability of extracurricular activities and intensity of participation in them, but the degree of the effect is contingent upon other individual and contextual characteristics. 相似文献
958.
Elizabeth Ferszt 《Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal》2014,43(3):285-289
959.
960.
We examine the relationship between the valence qualities of candidates and the ideological positions they take in U.S. House elections based on a study of the 2006 midterm elections. Our design enables us to distinguish between campaign and character dimensions of candidate valence and to place candidates and districts on the same ideological scale. Incumbents with a personal‐character advantage are closer ideologically to their district preferences, while disadvantaged challengers take more extreme policy positions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, challengers can reap electoral rewards by taking more extreme positions relative to their districts. We explore a possible mechanism for this extremism effect by demonstrating that challengers closer to the extreme received greater financial contributions, which enhanced their chances of victory. Our results bear on theories of representation that include policy and valence, although the interactions between these two dimensions may be complex and counterintuitive. 相似文献