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11.
Hallenberg C Nielsen K Simonsen B Sanchez J Morling N 《Forensic science international》2005,155(2-3):205-210
A total of 185 unrelated Danish males were typed for the Y-chromosome STRs DYS19, DYS385a/b, DYS389-I, DYS389-II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438 and DYS439 using the kits PowerPlex Y (Promega), ReliaGene Y-Plex 6 and ReliaGene Y-Plex 5 (Reliagene Technologies). A total of 163 different haplotypes were observed and among these, 144 haplotypes were unique. The gene diversity was 0.9985. In DYS392, a variant allele migrating as a 10.2 allele was observed. Sequencing of the allele showed a deletion upstream the repeated area. 相似文献
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Sigge Winther Nielsen 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2015,15(4):340-363
When and why do party strategists select one marketing strategy over another relevant one? In this research, we answer this question by outlining a new institutional strategy framework on the basis of social psychological assumptions. This framework links the cognition of party operatives to their task of selecting a marketing strategy. On this ground, we empirically test a number of hypotheses derived from this framework. The results suggest that party strategists are influenced by their cognitive framing of the environment, but this influence is mediated by context‐specific variables embedded in the political realm such as historical tensions, coalition partners, or the ideology, goal, and organizational structure of the party. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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The literature on pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) still relies heavily on comparative statics to gauge whether a PEC is likely to form and/or its effects on government formation. However, less is known about the behavioural dynamics of PECs. The dynamics of the recent 2009 PEC between the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats in Denmark are assessed. Elaborating on the signalling hypothesis, it is argued that coalition members over time must show their ability to vote together in parliament in order to establish a credible commitment. Empirical support is found for this take on the signalling thesis. It was also found that the distance between the parties narrows before the formulation of the PEC, and distinct phases in the process are pointed to, which the authors coin ‘friendship’, ‘courting’, and ‘engagement’. Finally, alternative explanations are assessed and the question of which party of the PEC would have to change voting patterns in the inter-party coordination process in order to become 'office-fit' is addressed. It is concluded that PECs have a systematic effect on the members' parliamentary voting behaviour and that they serve as a preparatory signalling device for opposition parties with office ambitions. 相似文献
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Tobias Dan Nielsen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2014,14(3):265-280
Reducing emissions from forest degradation and deforestation, conserving and enhancing forest carbon stocks, and sustainably managing forests (REDD+) has emerged as one of the most anticipated climate change mitigation tools. This paper aims to understand and identify the underlying discourses that have dominated the emergence of REDD+, by identifying the key story lines in the policy and academic debates on REDD+. As such, this paper takes a step away from the “fine-tuning” of policy recommendations and instead studies REDD+ from a more theoretical approach with the intent to provide a critical analysis of the ideational structures that shape the policies that have emerged around REDD+. The analysis shows that ecological modernization and its accompanying story lines constitute a dominant notion of REDD+ as being able to manage the complexities of forest in a synergetic way, combining cost-efficient and effective mitigation with sustainable development. The paper also identifies the critical counter discourse of civic environmentalism, which criticizes this notion of REDD+ and instead promotes issues such as equity, the importance of local knowledge, and the participatory process. It argues that reducing deforestation involves trade-offs between economic, ecological, and social dimensions, also arguing that REDD+ fits overwhelmingly with the interest of the global North. 相似文献
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Employment civil rights laws require employers to make reasonable accommodations for certain workers so that they can perform their jobs. The “reasonableness” of an accommodation request should be based largely on the cost of the accommodation relative to the company's resources, but how do people really evaluate such requests? This study examines determinations of the reasonableness of workplace accommodation requests made by trial judges and ordinary people. Using a 2 × 3 × 3 between‐subjects factorial design, we test the effect of worker identity (nursing‐mother worker, transgender worker, and Muslim worker) and cost on determinations of reasonableness. We find that (1) the identity category of the requesting worker impacts determinations of reasonableness by both judges and laypeople, (2) the cost of the accommodation impacts determinations of reasonableness, (3) judges are more likely to think that accommodation requests are reasonable than are laypeople, (4) there is a complicated relationship between accommodation cost and employee identity, and (5) the cost of the requested accommodation mitigates the effect of identity significantly for judges but less so for ordinary citizens. While judges are less influenced by the identity category of the employee‐requestor than are their lay‐counterparts, social status plays a role in determining what constitutes “reasonable accommodation.” 相似文献
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