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Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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Despite the exponential growth in the attention and resources devoted to security sector reform (SSR), positive tangible outcomes remain hard to find. A ‘conceptual-contextual’ divide exists between SSR's stated goals and its actual implementation, a fissure that suggests the need to re-evaluate its tenets as currently conceived and practiced. This paper contributes to such a reappraisal and argues for a new round of SSR debate and policy formulation that will be simultaneously more pragmatic and less ambitious, while listening carefully to the wishes of those who are to benefit from SSR. Our core argument is that the current understanding of SSR policy provides practitioners with neither the requisite intellectual foundation nor practical guidance to craft institutions that arrest insecurity. Consequently, a number of the central concepts of the current SSR agenda—local ownership, civil society, governance, multi-sectoral approach, etc.—need to be recast to make them operationally effective, managerially coherent, and susceptible to measurable evaluation. 相似文献
48.
North American research on the policing of ‘domestic violence’ has been very influential among policy makers in Great Britain.
In particular, research which purports to verify the deterrence value of arrest has prompted the establishment of over thirty
domestic violence units in London and similar initiatives elsewhere in Britain. The paper will outline the nature of the traditional
police response to ‘family violence’ in London and the nature of the experimental innovations. Changes in police practice
with regard to this type of violence will be put in the context of the organizational constraints and possibilities of policing.
Finally, changing police responses to domestic violence will be evaluated in terms of the debate over the possibility of using
the state or its organs to achieve social change. 相似文献
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Samantha Pegg 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):425-448
This article focuses on media reportage of offensive juveniles, past and present, to elicit lessons that the twenty-first
century can learn from the Victorian past in terms of diversionary responses. How to prevent vulnerable juveniles sliding
into dangerous criminality is a continuing preoccupation: the issue explored in this article relates to the creation of the
identity of the criminal juvenile. In utilising the concept of semi-criminality to label certain types of juvenile anti-social
behaviour the Victorians avoided actual criminalisation of socially offensive but, in legal terms, minor behaviours. The reasons
for and negative consequences of the abandonment of this concept by the modern age are explored, including the reconceptualisation
of where responsibility for juvenile offending lies in the modern era. 相似文献