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261.
This study examined dimensions of mothers’ and fathers’ involvement in adolescents’ romantic relationships when offspring
were age 17. Using cluster analysis, parents from 105 White, working and middle class families were classified as positively
involved, negatively involved, or autonomy-oriented with respect to their adolescents’ romantic relationships. Patterns of
parental involvement were generally not associated with parent–offspring relationship quality at about adolescent age 13,
but earlier parent–offspring relationship quality moderated the associations between parental involvement and adolescent romantic
experiences at about age 18. Positive parent–offspring relationship quality buffered the effects of negative parental involvement,
whereas poorer parent–offspring relationship quality was a more adaptive context for adolescents of autonomy-oriented parents.
Discussion focuses on the importance of parenting practices in adolescent romantic relationships and the emotional climate
of parent–offspring relationships as a developmental context for those practices.
相似文献
Marni L. KanEmail: |
262.
Cong Fu 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(2):245-259
With the progress of European integration, the European environmental policy and law, from zero to bloom, approximately experienced
a three- stage development, namely a forming period, an establishing period and a developing period. Environmental policy
is no longer a byproduct of the construction of the common market, but has become a significant instrument for realizing the
European sustainable development. On the occasion of the amendment of the European treaties, the legal foundation of environmental
policy became clear, decision-making mechanism evolved, and implementation measures varied. However, European environmental
actions are still constrained by the division of competences between the Union and member states. Moreover, with the trend
of deregulation it remains also a tough task for EU on how to effectively realize the objective of sustainable development
相似文献
Cong FuEmail: |
263.
Stuart Shapiro 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):33-49
The notice and comment rulemaking process is a fundamental part of how agencies write regulations. While this process is starting
to receive more empirical attention, the question of how the number of comments that an agency receives affects its decision-making
process has received little examination. This paper uses Boolean analysis to examine nine rules from two agencies at the Department
of Health and Human Services and evaluates the impact of a high volume of comments on agency changes to proposed rules and
the time an agency takes to finalize a proposed rule. These nine cases suggest that agencies are most likely to change their
proposals when they receive a high volume of comments on highly complex rules that are not very politically salient. Highly
complex rules are also likely to take a long time to finalize when there are many public comments however it is often other
factors that cause a long delay between proposed and final rules.
相似文献
Stuart ShapiroEmail: |
264.
The use and non-use of policy appraisal tools in public policy making: an analysis of three European countries and the European Union 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Måns Nilsson Andrew Jordan John Turnpenny Julia Hertin Björn Nykvist Duncan Russel 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):335-355
The increasing complexity of policy problems, coupled with the political desire to base new policies on the foundation of firm evidence, has accelerated the development of policy assessment tools. These range from complex computer models and cost benefit analysis through simple checklists and decision trees. In the last decade, many governments have established formal policy assessment systems to harness these tools in order to facilitate more evidence-based policy making. These tools are potentially widely available, but to what extent are they used by policy makers and what becomes of the evidence that they generate? This paper addresses these questions by studying the empirical patterns of tool use across 37 cases in three European countries and the European Commission. It uses a simple classification of tools into advanced, formal and simple types. It finds that even when tools are embedded in policy assessment systems, their use is differentiated and on the whole very limited, in particular when it comes to more advanced tools. It then explores these patterns from contrasting theoretical perspectives to shed light on why, when and how different policy assessment tools are used in the policy process. 相似文献
265.
Simon Teune 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(3):528-547
Research on protest and social movements has undergone a process of consolidation. However, it has lost visibility in Germany where it was in full bloom in the late 1980s and early 1990s. A review of recent scholarship shows that the analysis of protest and the concept of “social movement” is vital to understand both politics emerging “from below” and the dynamics of political processes. While the focus on societal antagonisms which was central in the interpretation of new social movements has been abandoned, historical and cultural approaches have more and more received attention. 相似文献
266.
Albert H. Teich 《Public administration review》2008,68(1):19-22
The current controversy over the politicization of science by the Bush administration is, by definition, a political controversy. As such, it must be addressed by political measures as well as the administrative strategies that Dr. Lambright suggests. The administration's actions go beyond the bounds of "business as usual" and reflect the interests of its powerful constituencies, as well as the unease of many citizens with some scientific and technological advances. Scientists need to engage these citizens and take their concerns into account in order to build trust between the scientific community and the public, as well as to impede unscrupulous politicians from distorting scientific information to suit their purposes. 相似文献
267.
Harald Schoen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):68-91
In this paper, I examine the sources of support for Turkey’s EU-entry in the German public. I propose several models and explore their respective empirical validity using survey data gathered in May and June 2005. The analysis shows that neither trust in the federal government nor evaluations of the EU institutions play a role in attitudes toward Turkey’s bid for membership. By contrast, attitudes towards this issue are considerably affected by preferences about EU enlargement and, more strongly, by beliefs about whether Turkey at least partly belongs to Europe. Likewise, when forming attitudes towards Turkey’s bid for EU membership, Germans appear to consider the presumed consequences of including Turkey in the EU. Both East and West Germans are particularly likely to take consequences for regional security into account. The paper concludes with a discussion of several implications for German public opinion on this EU issue. 相似文献
268.
Christopher A. Cooper H. Gibbs Knotts Kathleen M. Brennan 《Public administration review》2008,68(3):459-468
Many scholars argue that citizens with higher levels of political trust are more likely to grant bureaucratic discretion to public administrators than citizens with lower levels of trust. Trust, therefore, can relieve the tension between managerial flexibility and political accountability in the modern administrative state. Unfortunately, there is little empirical evidence showing that trust is actually associated with citizens' willingness to cede policy-making power to government. This article tests theories about political trust and citizen competence using the case of zoning. Trust in local government is found to be an important predictor of support for zoning, but trust in state government and trust in national government have no effect. These findings suggest that trust affects policy choice and helps determine how much power citizens grant to local administrators. 相似文献
269.
While there is a growing academic literature about mail-in ballots, there has been no serious academic research to date on overseas voters, even though the counting of overseas military ballots figured into the 2000 presidential election controversy. The participation of nearly 4 million overseas voters, both civilian and military, is governed by the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act. The authors examine the reported perceptions of military and nonmilitary voters covered by this legislation using two surveys funded by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, focusing on their perceptions of electronic means of transmitting voting materials. The authors find that civilian overseas citizens have a harder time registering and voting than military overseas citizens; that the key factor is the timely transmission of voting materials; and that, despite privacy concerns, electronic transmission of voting materials is viewed favorably. 相似文献
270.