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排序方式: 共有282条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
161.
Shalom H. Schwartz Gian Vittorio Caprara Michele Vecchione Paul Bain Gabriel Bianchi Maria Giovanna Caprara Jan Cieciuch Hasan Kirmanoglu Cem Baslevent Jan-Erik Lönnqvist Catalin Mamali Jorge Manzi Vassilis Pavlopoulos Tetyana Posnova Harald Schoen Jo Silvester Carmen Tabernero Claudio Torres Markku Verkasalo Eva Vondráková Christian Welzel Zbigniew Zaleski 《Political Behavior》2014,36(4):899-930
Do the political values of the general public form a coherent system? What might be the source of coherence? We view political values as expressions, in the political domain, of more basic personal values. Basic personal values (e.g., security, achievement, benevolence, hedonism) are organized on a circular continuum that reflects their conflicting and compatible motivations. We theorize that this circular motivational structure also gives coherence to political values. We assess this theorizing with data from 15 countries, using eight core political values (e.g., free enterprise, law and order) and ten basic personal values. We specify the underlying basic values expected to promote or oppose each political value. We offer different hypotheses for the 12 non-communist and three post-communist countries studied, where the political context suggests different meanings of a basic or political value. Correlation and regression analyses support almost all hypotheses. Moreover, basic values account for substantially more variance in political values than age, gender, education, and income. Multidimensional scaling analyses demonstrate graphically how the circular motivational continuum of basic personal values structures relations among core political values. This study strengthens the assumption that individual differences in basic personal values play a critical role in political thought. 相似文献
162.
163.
In recent years, public administration scholars have called attention to a blurring of the boundaries between the public and private sectors. However, little attention has been focused on the administration of public programs that seek to impact private markets through direct government investment in private firms. The direct government investment approach is a new tool of government that has been applied in several countries and at multiple levels of government. Through an analytic mix of theory and attention to practice, this article leverages a deep case analysis of the U.S. Department of Energy's Advanced Technology Vehicles Manufacturing Loan Program to propose and utilize criteria for examining justifiable rationales for direct government investment, areas of administrative capacity necessary to manage such investments, and potential pitfalls of this new tool of government. 相似文献
164.
Christopher Dawes David Cesarini James H. Fowler Magnus Johannesson Patrik K. E. Magnusson Sven Oskarsson 《American journal of political science》2014,58(4):888-903
Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation. 相似文献
165.
Ein Begehren nach § 31 Abs 3 WEG iVm § 52 Abs 1 Z 6 WEG ist einer Stufenklage nach Art XLII EGZPO (iVm § 1012 ABGB) nachgebildet und soll daher ?hnlich behandelt werden. Ein exekutionsf?higer Herausgabebeschluss setzt voraus, dass die Abrechnung Feststellungen über die Zahlungspflicht hinsichtlich des überschusses zul?sst. 相似文献
166.
Warren Magnusson 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2005,48(1):96-123
Abstract: This article explores the relationship between urbanism, cities and local self‐government to identify some key issues for contemporary public administration. State‐centric political theory marginalizes urban analysis, but the latter enables us to see the world in a different way. Understanding ourselves as urban is to see that conventional political categories seriously misrepresent the conditions of our lives. Various thinkers like Ash Amin and Nigel Thrift and Michael Peter Smith have suggested ways of building on contemporary urban analysis, but it is still a struggle to overcome the spatial imagination that we have inherited from conventional political theory. This poses particular problems for any “new urban agenda,” since questions of local autonomy have yet to be properly posed. Gerald E. Frug's analysis of the issue of civic autonomy is helpful in this regard because it highlights the philosophical assumptions that lie behind our fears about the misuse of local authority. Foucauldian discussions of governmentality reveal the way self‐government works as a strategy to control populations by liberating them. Local self‐government is thus an ambiguous and dangerous ideal ‐ but not for the reasons usually supposed. It is in any case the practice implicit in urbanism as a way of life. The key constitutional issue today is how to recognize that practice and regulate it appropriately. Sommaire: Le présent article examine les relations entre l'urbanisme, les villes et l'autonomie gouvernementale locale pour identifier certaines questions‐clés dans le domaine de l'administration publique contemporaine. La théorie politique axée sur l'État marginalise l'analyse urbaine, mais cette dernière nous permet de voir le monde sous un nouveau jour. Se considérer comme des citadins, c'est voir que les catégories politiques conventionnelles représentent très mal nos conditions de vie. Différents penseurs comme Ash Amin, Nigel Thrift ct Michael Peter Smith ont proposé des manières de développer l'analyse urbaine contemporaine, mais il est tou‐jours difficile d'aller au‐delà de l'imagination spatiale qui nous a été transmise par la théorie politique conventionnelle. Cela soulève des problèmes particuliers pour tout nouvel agenda urbain, étant donné que les questions d'autonomie locale n'ont pas encore été posees adéquatement. L'analyse de la question de l'autonomie civique réalisée par Gerald E. Frug est utile à ce sujet, car elle souligne les hypothèses philosophiques sur lesquelles reposent nos craintes concemant l'utilisation abusive de l'autorité locale. Les discussions à la Foucault sur la gouvernementalité révèlent la manière dont l'autonomie gouvernementale fonctionne en tant que stratégie visant à contrôler les populations tout en les libérant. L'autonomie gouvernementale locale est ainsi un idéal ambigu et dangereux, mais non pour les raisons que l'on suppose généralement. C'est en tout cas la pratique implicite dans l'urbanisme comme mode de vie. La question constitutionnelle clé qui se pose aujourd'hui est de savoir comment reconnaître cette pratique et la réglementer adéquatement. 相似文献
167.
168.
This study investigates differentials in the decline of cause-specific infant mortality by marital status of the mother in Stockholm (1878–1925) and factors contributing to the explanation of these differentials using computerized records of individual entries from the Roteman Archives. Included in the analysis were 120,094 children less than 1 year of age who lived in Södermalm during this period. Cause-specific mortality rates were calculated for three time periods. Cox's regression analysis was used to study the relationship between overall and cause-specific risk of infant death and of being born in and out of wedlock in relation to a set of variables. Infant mortality rates and mortality risks were higher among children born out of rather than in wedlock. The most pronounced differentials in cause-specific mortality rates between these groups of children were seen in cases of diarrhea. The socioeconomic status of the household head and number of children in the household were statistically significant with infant mortality, but explain only part of the excess mortality risk of children born out of wedlock. In Stockholm at the turn of the 19th century being born out of wedlock was strongly associated with poor health outcomes, particularly in diarrheal diseases, pneumonia/bronchitis, and immaturity/congenital causes. 相似文献
170.
Both coercion, such as strict auditing and the use of fines, and legitimate procedures, such as assistance by tax authorities, are often discussed as means of enhancing tax compliance. However, the psychological mechanisms that determine the effectiveness of each strategy are not clear. Although highly relevant, there is rare empirical literature examining the effects of both strategies applied in combination. It is assumed that coercion decreases implicit trust in tax authorities, leading to the perception of a hostile antagonistic tax climate and enforced tax compliance. Conversely, it is suggested that legitimate power increases reason‐based trust in the tax authorities, leading to the perception of a service climate and eventually to voluntary cooperation. The combination of both strategies is assumed to cause greater levels of intended compliance than each strategy alone. We conducted two experimental studies with convenience samples of 261 taxpayers overall. The studies describe tax authorities as having low or high coercive power (e.g., imposing lenient or severe sanctions) and/or low or high legitimate power (e.g., having nontransparent or transparent procedures). Data analyses provide supportive evidence for the assumptions regarding the impact on intended tax compliance. Coercive power did not reduce implicit trust in tax authorities; however, it had an effect on reason‐based trust, interaction climate, and intended tax compliance if applied solely. When wielded in combination with legitimate power, it had no effect. 相似文献