Profiling of the public‐service élite: A demographic and career trajectory survey of deputy and assistant deputy ministers in Canada

Abstract: In the summer of 2006, a survey was sent to the 941 senior public administration executives who held the rank and title of deputy minister or assistant deputy minister in the federal, ten provincial and three territorial jurisdictions in Canada. The survey explored, among other variables, age, education, gender, ethno‐racial status, aboriginal background and career trajectory. The response rate to this survey was 43.61 per cent. Obviously those in the deputy/assistant deputy cadre (referred to in this article as the “public‐service élite,” or pse ) are important actors in the life of the Canadian state, but relatively little is known about them. The authors report on and analyse the meaning and significance of their findings not only for a Canadian perspective but also, on the value of such research in the broader comparative sense. Their data also allow the examination of various dimensions of representative bureaucracy at the most senior levels in Canada. Sommaire: Au cours de l'été 2006, un sondage sous forme de questionnaire a été envoyé aux 941 cadres supérieurs de la fonction publique qui occupaient des postes de sous‐ministres ou de sous‐ministres adjoints au gouvernement fédéral, au gouvernement des dix provinces et des trois territoires du Canada. Le sondage portait, entre autres variables, sur l'âge, l'éducation, le sexe, le statut ethno‐racial, les origines autochtones et la trajectoire de carrière. Le taux de réponse à ce sondage a été de 43,61 pour cent. Évidemment, les personnes qui occupent les postes de sous‐ministres et de sous‐ministres adjoints (désignés dans le présent article sous le nom d' «élite de la fonction publique» ou «éfp ») sont des acteurs importants dans la vie de l'État canadien, mais on les connaît assez peu. Les auteurs donnent un compte rendu et font une analyse de la signification et de 1'importance des résultats, non seulement pour avoir une perspective canadienne, mais aussi pour voir la valeur d'une telle recherche à des fins de comparaison plus vaste. Leurs données permettent également d'examiner diverses dimensions de la bureaucratie représentative aux niveaux les plus élevés du Canada.     

Exporting governance: Lithuania adapts a Canadian policy management model

Abstract: Lithuania's efforts to join the European Union were faltering in the late 1990s. A moribund policy management system offered scant hope for quick reversal. To break the impasse, Lithuania's prime minister negotiated a unique, CIDA‐funded project to modernize their decision‐making system by partnering with the Ontario Public Service and the Institute of Public Administration of Canada. Although slow to gain traction, inspired leadership by a new Lithuanian prime minister, his chancellor and government secretary re‐energized efforts to adapt an Ontario policy management model, which endures today. The results, in terms of pace and scope of reform, were impressive. But did they make a difference? In the absence of useful public benchmarks from oecd governments, the project collaborated with the World Bank to develop its own set of indicators for each stage of the policy process. Two surveys, conducted in 2000 and 2002, revealed a dramatic turnaround, underscoring how major change can be quickly implemented when supported by determined leadership. This article reviews the project, the survey methodology and results. Given the centrality of Ontario to Lithuania's reform, the article concludes with a cursory exploration of whether the province applies its own best practices. The answer, not surprisingly, is that it does so, sometimes. Sommaire: Les efforts déployés par la Lituanie pour se joindre à l'Union européenne s'affaiblirent à la fin des années 1990. Un système moribond de gestion des politiques offrait peu d'espoir d'un revirement rapide. Pour mettre fin à l'impasse, le Premier ministre de la Lituanie a négocié un projet unique financé par lacdi pour moder‐niser leur système de prise de décision, en établissant un partenariat avec la Fonction publique de l'Ontario et l'Institut d'administration publique du Canada. Même si ce projet fut lent à démarrer, un leadership inspiré par le nouveau Premier ministre litu‐anien, son chancelier et secrétaire d'État relança les efforts pour adapter un modèle ontarien de gestion des politiques, qui se trouve toujours en place aujourd'hui. Les resultats, en termes de rapidité et de portée de la réforme, furent impressionnants. Mais ont‐ils changé quelque chose? En l'absence de points de repère publics utiles de la part des gouvernements de locde , le projet a collaboré avec la Banque mondiale au développement de ses propres indicateurs pour chaque étape du processus de politique. Deux enquêtes, menées en 2000 et 2002, ont révélé un redressement remar‐quable, soulignant comment un changement majeur peut être rapidement mis en ceuvre lorsqu'il a I'appui d'un leadership déterminé. Cet article passe en revue le projet, la méthodologie et les résultats des enquêtes. Étant donné la grande importance de l'Ontario dans la réforme de la Lituanie, en conclusion, l'article examine brièvement si la province applique elle‐même ses meilleures pratiques. La réponse, qui n'est pas surprenante, est que oui, elle les applique…Parfois.     

Excessive Prices: Using Economics to Define Administrable Legal Rules

European competition laws condemn as ‘exploitative abuses’the pricing policies of dominant firms that may result in adirect loss of consumer welfare. Article 82(a) of the EC Treaty,for example, expressly states that imposing ‘unfair’prices on consumers by dominant suppliers constitutes an abuse.Several firms have been found to abuse their dominant positionsby charging excessive prices in cases brought by the EuropeanCommission and the competition authorities of several MemberStates. Those cases show that the assessment of excessive pricingis subject to substantial conceptual and practical difficulties,and that any policy that seeks to detect and prohibit excessiveprices is likely to yield incorrect predictions in numerousinstances. In this paper, we evaluate the pros and cons of alternativelegal standards towards excessive pricing by explicitly consideringthe likelihood of false convictions/acquittals and the costsassociated with those errors. We find that the legal standardthat maximizes long-term consumer welfare, given the informationtypically available to regulators, would involve no ex postintervention on the pricing decisions of dominant firms. A possibleexception to this general rule is discussed.     

EU update

This is the latest edition of the Bristows column on developments in EU law relating to IP, IT and telecommunications. This news article summarises recent developments that are considered important for practitioners, students and academics in a wide range of information technology, e-commerce, telecommunications and intellectual property areas. It cannot be exhaustive but intends to address the important points. This is a hard copy reference guide, but links to outside web sites are included where possible. No responsibility is assumed for the accuracy of information contained in these links.     

When Supply Creates Demand: Social Democratic Party Strategies and the Evolution of Class Voting

This paper focuses on the policy strategies adopted by social democratic parties and their impact on the class basis of their support. It is argued that political appeals matter for explaining the development of class voting. This argument is tested through a comparison of the policy strategies of social democratic parties in Austria and Switzerland and the evolving patterns of class voting in the two countries. Using election surveys and data on the policy positions and media representation of the political parties from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article finds that the Social Democratic Party in Austria maintained a strong working class base. In contrast, the Social Democratic Party in Switzerland facilitated a major transformation of the class basis of its support by emphasising new cultural issues. It became the party of the ‘new middle classes’, leaving the working class to realign in support of the Swiss People’s Party.     

Human Flourishing, Human Dignity, and Human Rights

Rather than treating them as discrete and incommensurable ideas, we sketch some connections between human flourishing and human dignity, and link them to human rights. We contend that the metaphor of flourishing provides an illuminating aspirational framework for thinking about human development and obligations, and that the idea of human dignity is a critical element within that discussion. We conclude with some suggestions as to how these conceptions of human dignity and human flourishing might underpin and inform appeals to human rights.