全文获取类型
收费全文 | 331篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 20篇 |
工人农民 | 53篇 |
世界政治 | 37篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 152篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 61篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 46篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 19篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 20篇 |
2001年 | 12篇 |
2000年 | 14篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 9篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有343条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
151.
A 40-year-old white male was found dead in bed in a group home for mentally ill adults. The decedent had been diagnosed a paranoid schizophrenic. An autopsy was performed at the Office of the Cuyahoga County Coroner in Cleveland, Ohio. Toxicological testing detected olanzapine and citalopram in post mortem specimens. Multiple fluids and tissues were assayed by liquid-liquid extraction followed by gas chromatography with nitrogen phosphorus detection, and qualitative confirmation by electron impact gas chromatography/mass spectrometry. Drug concentrations [olanzapine: citalopram; mg/L or mg/Kg] determined in this case are the highest reported to date involving these drugs- 1.38:3.35 heart blood, 1.11:1.65 femoral blood, 60.24:32.43 urine, 6.47:10:71 liver, and 38.36:49.16 lung, respectively. Drug concentrations in tissues were found to be the highest in lung for both drugs and lowest in the heart. Citalopram but not olanzapine was detected in bone. The cause of death was ruled acute intoxication by the combined effects of olanzapine and citalopram and the manner, accident. 相似文献
152.
Philip Jenkins 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1989,13(1):15-33
In February 1986, the Swedish premier was assassinated in a crime of political violence that remains unsolved at the time of writing. The present paper examines the various explanations that were proposed for this act, both in Sweden and in other Western countries. It will be shown how these explanations changed as the scope of the investigation grew in complexity and how investigators deviated more and more sharply from the official Western view of terrorism. From early suspicion of traditional villains — Middle Eastern separatists or German leftists — attention has focused more recently on very different candidates, in Swedish business and intelligence circles. The aim of the paper is neither to solve the crime nor to produce any new evidence, but to study the changing ideological assumptions of the investigative process, particularly when dealing with sensitive political offenses. 相似文献
153.
154.
Lyndsey Jenkins 《Women's history review》2020,29(6):1034-1053
ABSTRACT This article uses Jessie Kenney's unpublished and fragmentary autobiography The Flame and the Flood to show how suffragettes reacted to, and tried to re-write, the emerging historical narratives on militant suffrage. As June Purvis and Sandra Stanley Holton have shown, Sylvia Pankhurst's The Suffragette Movement became the dominant frame through which the suffragette movement was understood. Yet Krista Cowman's revealing study of Mary Gawthorpe also demonstrates that many suffragettes were distressed at the way this narrative became cemented in popular and academic understandings of the movement. Developing this understanding by showing how suffragettes resisted Pankhurst's account to offer an alternative account of suffrage history, this article offers new insights into suffrage life-writing in the later twentieth century. It conceptualises The Flame and the Flood not as a monologue focused on Kenney's own experience, but as a dialogue with existing cultural narratives, and demonstrates the interaction between collective and individual identity in suffrage autobiography. 相似文献
155.
156.
157.
158.
Brian Michael Jenkins 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(5):321-327
Abstract This study examines trends in the incidence of international hostage‐barricade terrorism (HBT) since the late 1960s, the concurrent development of elite hostage rescue units (HRUs), and the relative effectiveness of American, Soviet, West European, Israeli, and other Third World responses—using dialogue or force—to HBT actions. Although HRUs have scored some dramatic rescues, three major hostage massacres in Third World countries in 1985–1986 and other bloody HBT incidents in 1988 demonstrated the high cost of using force prematurely and ineptly to resolve HBT crises. Focusing on these and other HRU failures, this study questions the American and Israeli “no‐ransom, no‐negotiation” policies in HBT situations and concludes that a more flexible approach of patiently “talking down” and “wearing down” the hostage‐takers through basic hostage‐negotiation techniques—even if only as a delaying tactic—is vital for maximizing the chances for rescuing hostages safely, whether through dialogue or force. Conversely, if authorities quickly resort to military action, hostages are far more likely to suffer casualties than to be rescued safely. 相似文献
159.
160.
Fiona Macaulay 《冲突、安全与发展》2013,13(4):361-392
This article analyses processes of international policy transfer and diffusion in an understudied aspect of security sector reform: prisons. It looks at how Latin American countries, especially Brazil, have responded to a growing security crisis of capacity, effectiveness and violence within their prison systems by adopting, adapting and even resisting reform models available globally in three reform areas: prison administration (state-run versus forms of privatisation and public-private partnerships); control (the technologies of super-max versus the intelligence- and relationship-centred approach of dynamic security); and governmentality (the ethos underpinning state and societal treatment of offenders as subjects and objects of penal discipline). It also examines how Brazil has produced its own home-grown models of penal governance—prisons run by civil society in partnership with the state—which challenge some of the current dominant tropes in prison reform. The globalisation of neoliberal modes of governance may often aim at institutional monocropping, and isomorphism certainly occurs, yet examination of actual practices confirms that Brazil, and the region, have adopted a hybridised diversity of penal reforms. 相似文献