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181.
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Fiona Wilson 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2004,23(2):165-180
Citizenship had become conflated with 'race' in late nineteenth century Latin America partly on account of the new language of biological science. This article focuses on the contest between rights of belonging and rights of citizenship as played out in a provincial town in Andean Peru during the late nineteenth century. In particular, it explores how by drawing on a discourse of hygiene/disease a provincial elite was able to restrict access to public space in the town and thus deny 'Indians' the possibility of participating as citizens in urban political life. 相似文献
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Trust is essential to successful business relations, particularly to the efficient operation of law firms. Trust fosters productive working relationships, favorable reputations, and a lucrative clientele. This paper contributes to research on law firm development through a consideration of social dynamics within law firms beyond traditional emphases on trading relationships and community solidarity. We introduce a social capital perspective on the evolution of trust and its consequences for commitment to the law firm. We argue that trust, specifically in the form of perceived distributive justice, is created and nurtured through social integration among law firm members. Yet, for women, who continue to be denied full access to these social networks and professional rewards, trust is undermined. Exclusion and emerging distrust prompt women to contemplate leaving their respective firms. This paper examines the bases of differential levels of trust and their impact on lawyers'intentions to leave practice. 相似文献
185.
Fiona Paisley 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》1998,58(1):66-84
Inter-war Australia saw the emergence of a feminist campaign for indigenous rights. Led by women activists who were members of various key Australian women's organizations affiliated with the British Commonwealth League, this campaign proposed a revitalized White Australia as a progressive force towards improving ‘world’ race relations. Drawing upon League of Nations conventions and the increasing role for the Dominions within the British Commonwealth, these women claimed to speak on behalf of Australian Aborigines in asserting their right to reparation as a usurped people and the need to overhaul government policy. Opposing inter-war policies of biological assimilation, they argued for a humane national Aboriginal policy including citizenship and rights in the person. Where white men had failed in their duty towards indigenous peoples, world women might bring about a new era of civilized relations between the races. 相似文献
186.
Food security is important. A rising world population coupled with climate change creates growing pressure on global world food supplies. States alleviate this pressure domestically by attracting agri‐foreign direct investment (agri‐FDI). This is a high‐risk strategy for weak states: the state may gain valuable foreign currency, technology and debt‐free growth; but equally, investors may fail to deliver on their commitments and exploit weak domestic legal infrastructure to ‘grab’ large areas of prime agricultural land, leaving only marginal land for domestic production. A net loss to local food security and to the national economy results. This is problematic because the state must continue to guarantee its citizens' right to food and property. Agri‐FDI needs close regulation to maximise its benefit. This article maps the multilevel system of governance covering agri‐FDI. We show how this system creates asymmetric rights in favour of the investor to the detriment of the host state's food security and how these problems might be alleviated. 相似文献
187.
Kirkbride KP Ward AD Jenkins NF Klass G Coumbaros JC 《Forensic science international》2001,115(1-2):53-67
General synthetic routes to 4-methyl-5-arylpyrimidines and 5-arylpyrimidines are described. 4-Benzylpyrimidine, 4-methyl-5-phenylpyrimidine, 4-(4-methoxybenzyl)pyrimidine, and 4-methyl-5-(4-methoxyphenyl)pyrimidine have been positively identified as route-specific by-products in the Leuckardt preparations of amphetamine and 4-methoxyamphetamine.Using headspace solid phase microextraction (SPME) 4-(4-methoxybenzyl)pyrimidine and 4-methyl-5-(4-methoxyphenyl)pyrimidine have been identified in illicit tablets containing 4-methoxyamphetamine. This is an indication that illicit laboratories use the Leuckardt method for the preparation of 4-methoxyamphetamine.Flatliner tablets containing 4-methylthioamphetamine have been screened for the presence of 4-(4-methylthiobenzyl)pyrimidine and 4-methyl-5-(4-methylthiophenyl)pyrimidine using both headspace and aqueous phase SPME. As these pyrimidines were not detected it would appear likely that illicit laboratories are not using the Leuckardt method for the preparation of 4-methylthioamphetamine. 相似文献
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Lorraine Hope Fiona Gabbert Ronald P. Fisher 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2011,16(2):211-226
The Self‐Administered Interview (SAI©) is a tool designed to elicit a comprehensive initial account from witnesses at the scene of an incident or shortly thereafter to inoculate against the loss of information associated with delayed interview. Drawing on the principles of the Cognitive Interview (CI), the SAI© provides witnesses with a series of instructions and retrieval cues to support recall. Requesting that witnesses complete an SAI© not only serves to preserve and protect memory but also enables officers to prioritize the allocation of policing resources during the critical early stages of an investigation. The current review traces the development of the SAI© from a series of laboratory studies through to field trials and integrates our findings with theoretical accounts of human memory. We present new data from trials of the tool in the field and consider future avenues for research and further development of the SAI©. 相似文献
190.
We explore the foundations of the legislative party cartel, as theorized by Cox and McCubbins (1993, 2005) , to determine how majority‐party moderates who suffer net policy losses from the majority leadership's use of negative agenda control are kept from defecting from the cartel arrangement. First, we identify formally the group of majority‐party members who are net policy losers. We find that those members occupying the initial 30% of the space within the majority‐party blockout zone—that space closest to the floor median—are hurt on a pure policy basis by the cartel arrangement. Second, we find that members in this “30% zone” are rewarded disproportionately by majority‐party leaders (relative to members in other intervals on the same side of the floor median) via side payments in the form of campaign contributions. In addition, majority‐party members within the 30% zone receive side payments commensurate with their particular policy loss. 相似文献