Does Sex Encourage Commitment? The Impact of Candidate Choices on the Time-to-Decision

The sex of a congressional candidate can influence voting choices, but does candidate sex also influence the timing of those choices? This paper examines that question in light of other information that voters weigh in making their decisions. Using a national survey from the 2006 election, and a unique dataset of political informants, we find that the sex of the candidate conveys ideological information that permits voters to make swifter judgments. Additionally, it reduces the probability of a delayed decision by supplying information helpful to the choice between candidates—even in the absence of ideology. In fact, the impact of candidate sex rivals other variables that are traditionally used to explain the time-to-decision. Consistent with the literature on sex stereotypes, we find a stronger influence for Democratic than Republican female candidates.     

Reassembling scattered and mixed human bones by trace element ratios

Trace metal ratios in human bones were examined to determine if there were ratios that were sufficiently consistent within an individual yet varying sufficiently from the bones of another individual so that bones in a mixed grave could be reassembled. The concentrations of 21 elements sampled at 54 places on 30 human bones in each of 5 skeletons indicated that the magnesium/zinc ratio was the most reliable and that the zinc/sodium, magnesium/sodium, and chromium/sodium ratios could be used as supplements to help reassemble human bones belonging to the same individual after all standard techniques had been used.     

THE BEST SEAT IN THE HOUSE: THE COURT ASSIGNMENT AND JUDICIAL SATISFACTION

A survey of 355 judges examined the differences in judicial satisfaction between those assigned to problem-solving courts—such as drug treatment and unified family—and judges in other more traditional assignments such as family law and criminal courts. The unified family court systems, like drug treatment courts, have generally adopted the principles of therapeutic jurisprudence. Significant differences were found on each of the three survey scales: (1) helpfulness, (2) attitude toward litigants, and (3) positive effects of assignment. The judges who were in the problem-solving courts (drug treatment and unified family court) scored higher on all three scales than those who were not (traditional family and criminal court). The group of problem-solving court judges consistently scored higher than the other group of judges, with the drug treatment court judges scoring the highest. The group of traditional criminal court and family court judges scored less positively, with the criminal court judges having the lowest scores. The problem-solving court judges were more likely to report believing that the role of the court should include helping litigants address the problems that brought them there and were more likely to observe positive changes in the litigants. They were also more likely to believe that litigants are motivated to change and are able to do so. They felt more respected by the litigants and were more likely to think that the litigants were grateful for help they received. The problem-solving court judges were also more likely to report being happy in their assignments and to believe that these assignments have a positive emotional effect on them.     

Comparative lobbying strategies in influencing health care policy

Abstract: This paper explores the proposition that the lobbying behaviour of pressure groups is strongly influenced by whether they are output-oriented or process-oriented. We argue that where a group focuses its lobbying efforts on obtaining economic gains for its members, a more confrontational approach will be used. If an interest group does not bargain directly with government for economic gains, but rather tries to foster a positive political climate, it will practice the art of quiet diplomacy. We analyse the behaviour of the medical and hospital associations in British Columbia as interest groups and seek to identify the determinants of their different lobbying strategies, styles and techniques. We also try to assess the impact of these lobbying styles and strategies on the public policies that the groups have sought to influence, recognizing that government is also trying to influence the group's behaviour. We conclude that there are six crucial factors, some exogenous and some endogenous, that strongly influence the lobbying behaviour of health case organizations. These are the nature of the groups' membership, the focus of their lobbying activities, the cycle of group-government interaction, the length of experience with government as the principal paymaster, the presence or absence of factions within the group, and the values and attitudes of various members stemming from their socialization. Sommaire: Ce document analyse l'idée selon laquelle le comportement d'un groupe de pression est fortement influence par l'orientation de ce groupe et varie selon qu'il s'intéresse davantage aux résultats ou aux processus. Nous montrons ici qu'un groupe de pression qui s'efforce d'obtenir des gains économiques pour ses membres a tendance à adopter une attitude de confrontation. Par contre, un groupe qui ne négocie pas directement avec le gouvernement en vue d'obtenir des gains économiques, mais qui essaie plutôt d‘établir un climat politique favorable, a tendance à agir avec “diplomatie”. Nous analysons le comportement des associations médicales et hospitalières de la Colombie-Britannique et cherchons à définir les facteurs caractérisant leurs divers styles, stratégies et techniques de pression. Nous tentons également d'évaher I'effet de ces styles et stratégies de pression sur les politiques publiques queles groupes ont cherchéà influencer, tout en sachant que le gouvernement essaie également d'influencer le comportement des groupes. Nous en venons à la conclusion qu'il existe six facteurs critiques, certains exogènes, d'autres endogènes, qui influencent fortement le comportement des organismes de santé en tant que groupes de pression. Ces facteurs sont les suivants: nature des membres du groupe, orientation de leurs activités au sein du groupe, cycle des interactions groupe-gouvernement, durée de I'expérience du groupe avec le gouvernement comme principal bailleur de fonds, présence ou absence de relations harmonieuses au sein du groupe, et enfin valeurs et attitudes des divers membres en fonction de leur intégration sociale.     

Sport,Space and National Identity in Ireland: The GAA,Croke Park and Rule 42

In April 2005, the Gaelic Athletic Association, the largest sporting organisation in Ireland, amended Rule 42, which hitherto banned rugby and soccer matches from being played at Croke Park, the association's headquarters and national stadium. This paper traces the genealogy of the debate that preceded the announcement and examines how and why a decision of seemingly little socio-cultural and political significance became an important issue within broader discourses concerned with national identity in Ireland. Drawing, in particular, on the writing of Henri Lefebvre, and situating the discussion within an interdisciplinary body of literature concerned with sport, space and national identity in Ireland, the authors argue that Croke Park has emerged in recent years as a space of conflicting Irish nationalisms.     

When Gender Matters: Macro-dynamics and Micro-mechanisms

Does candidate sex matter to general election outcomes? And if so, under what conditions does sex exert an effect? Research conducted over the past 40 years has asserted an absence of a sex effect, consistently finding that women fare as well as men when they run. Nevertheless, this scholarship neglects sex-based differences in candidate valence, or non-policy characteristics such as competence and integrity that voters intrinsically value in their elected officials. If women candidates hold greater valence than men, and if women’s electoral success stems from this valence advantage, then women candidates would be penalized if they lacked the upper hand on valence. Recent research at the macro-level reports a 3 % vote disadvantage for women candidates when valence is held constant (Fulton, Political Res Q 65(2):303–314, 2012), but is based on only one general election year. The present study replicates Fulton’s (Political Res Q 65(2):303–314, 2012) research using new data from a more recent general election and finds a consistent 3 % vote deficit for women candidates. In addition, this paper extends these findings theoretically and empirically to the micro-level: examining who responds to variations in candidate sex and valence. Male independent voters, who often swing general elections, are equally supportive of women candidates when they have a valence advantage. Absent a relative abundance of valence, male independents are significantly less likely to endorse female candidates. If correct, the gender affinity effect is asymmetrical: male independent voters are more likely to support men candidates, and less likely to support women, but female independents fail to similarly discriminate.