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21.
Romain Malejacq 《安全研究》2016,25(1):85-110
Despite efforts to bolster failed states over the past two decades, many states in the international system still exhibit endemic weakness. External intervention often leads to political instability and in most cases fails to foster state consolidation, instead empowering and creating ties with the ones it aims to weaken. Using the case of Afghanistan, I develop a typology of political orders that explains variation in degrees of state consolidation and provides the basis for more systematic comparative analysis. I demonstrate the resilience of a political logic according to which non-state armed actors (warlords) “shape-shift” and constantly reinvent themselves to adapt to changing political environments. This article, based on extensive field research in Afghanistan, shows why failed states are unlikely to consolidate and exhibit Western-style state building, as a result of intervention or otherwise. 相似文献
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Conner Bradley T. Kentopp Shane D. ODonnell Maeve B. Wallace Gemma T. Morse Jessica L. Arkfeld Patrice A. Steger Michael F. Rebecca Rachel 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(8):1622-1635
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Previous research indicates that sensation seeking, emotion dysregulation, and impulsivity are predictive of non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI). A body of research... 相似文献
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Over the last couple of years, ‘African ownership’ has become a buzzword in many fields. Economic development initiatives like the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) are based on it, partnership agreements like the Joint AU–EU Africa Strategy are built around it and its central concept of Africanisation guides virtually all external relations of the continent. African leaders (rightly) insist on it, international organisations (rightly) preach it and many non-African actors are (unsurprisingly) hiding behind it. The concept of African ownership is so omnipresent today that it is more than surprising that the simple question of who actually owns it has not yet been asked. It is the declared purpose of this paper to disentangle rhetoric from reality and identify the owner as well as the limits of African ownership in the sphere of peace and security. 相似文献
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Romain N Giroud C Michaud K Augsburger M Mangin P 《Forensic science international》1999,106(2):115-123
A fatal case attributed to flecainide acetate (Tambocor), a class Ic antiarrythmic drug, is presented. Flecainide was detected by GC/MS in gastric contents, blood and liver as well. The urine analysis revealed the presence of its dealkylated metabolite. Body fluids and tissue concentrations determined by GC/ECD were 7.7 mg/kg in femoral blood, 0.26 mg/kg in bile, 18 mg/kg in liver, 0.17 mg/kg in cerebrospinal fluid, 0.22 mg/kg in brain cortex and 28.9 mg/kg in urine. The total amount of flecainide in gastric contents was about 43 mg. Even taking into account the postmortem redistribution of flecainide, its blood level still remains in the toxic range. 相似文献
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Romain Ferrali Guy Grossman Melina R. Platas Jonathan Rodden 《American journal of political science》2020,64(3):536-553
Do social networks matter for the adoption of new forms of political participation? We develop a formal model showing that the quality of communication that takes place in social networks is central to understanding whether a community will adopt forms of political participation where benefits are uncertain and where there are positive externalities associated with participation. Early adopters may exaggerate benefits, leading others to discount information about the technology's value. Thus, peer effects are likely to emerge only when informal institutions support truthful communication. We collect social network data for 16 Ugandan villages where an innovative mobile-based reporting platform was introduced. Consistent with our model, we find variation across villages in the extent of peer effects on technology adoption, as well as evidence supporting additional observable implications. Impediments to social diffusion may help explain the varied uptake of new and increasingly common political communication technologies around the world. 相似文献
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Since forming part of Blair’s modernization agenda in the UK, joined-up government has become a central ambition of governments in many industrialized countries. While there continues to be an absence of core methods and principles for achieving joined-up government, consensus has emerged around the effectiveness of top down approaches. Research has found that joining must happen at multiple levels and be supported by a range of cultural and structural interventions. This article presents findings from a study into the Australian Social Inclusion Agenda and explores the long-term and unintended consequences of joined-up initiatives that take a top-down approach. 相似文献
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Charlie D. Frowd Faye Skelton Gemma Hepton Laura Holden Simra Minahil Melanie Pitchford Alex McIntyre Charity Brown Peter J.B. Hancock 《Science & justice》2013,53(2):89-97
Research has indicated that traditional methods for accessing facial memories usually yield unidentifiable images. Recent research, however, has made important improvements in this area to the witness interview, method used for constructing the face and recognition of finished composites. Here, we investigated whether three of these improvements would produce even-more recognisable images when used in conjunction with each other. The techniques are holistic in nature: they involve processes which operate on an entire face. Forty participants first inspected an unfamiliar target face. Nominally 24 h later, they were interviewed using a standard type of cognitive interview (CI) to recall the appearance of the target, or an enhanced ‘holistic’ interview where the CI was followed by procedures for focussing on the target's character. Participants then constructed a composite using EvoFIT, a recognition-type system that requires repeatedly selecting items from face arrays, with ‘breeding’, to ‘evolve’ a composite. They either saw faces in these arrays with blurred external features, or an enhanced method where these faces were presented with masked external features. Then, further participants attempted to name the composites, first by looking at the face front-on, the normal method, and then for a second time by looking at the face side-on, which research demonstrates facilitates recognition. All techniques improved correct naming on their own, but together promoted highly-recognisable composites with mean naming at 74% correct. The implication is that these techniques, if used together by practitioners, should substantially increase the detection of suspects using this forensic method of person identification. 相似文献
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Romain Lachat 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(4):51-73
Cet article vise à montrer de quelle manière une campagne électorale peut influencer le vote, en se basant sur le cas des élections fédérales suisses de 1995. L'auteur part du modèle de Zaller, qui décrit la formation des opinions par l'interaction entre le discours politique, les préférences des individus et leur niveau de sophistication politique. Ce cadre théorique est ensuite adapté à la situation électorale, en tenant compte du moment du choix et du sentiment de proximité partisane. L'analyse empirique, qui porte autant sur le niveau fédéral que sur différents contextes cantonaux, est réalisée à l'aide de régressions logistiques. Les résultats obtenus confirment en bonne partie les hypothèses théoriques dans certains cas, mais révèlent des situations contradictoires dans d'autres contextes. L'auteur suggère en conclusion une explication à ces cas divergents, qui établit un lien entre l'intensité des campagnes et la motivation des électeurs à mieux s'informer. 相似文献