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531.
where he directs the Europe-America and Global Security Projects. He has been Director of Studies of the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London and taught on the faculty of Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. He served the first Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and was staff member for Western Europe on the National Security Council. This article is a condensed version of his forthcoming book, America, Germany and the Future of Europe.  相似文献   
532.
Abstract: Recent contributions to AJPA have suggested new conceptual directions for public management in response to the stand-off between managerialists and their critics. In emphasising the inherent political dimensions of public management, this article seeks to build on these contributions. It does so by combining some of the insights of previous contributors with a simple matrix devised originally by American scholar James Q Wilson. The central proposition is that attempts to render public management more like private management have been too far-reaching, and do not adequately appreciate the intractable difficulties that stem from the types of task that are peculiar to public organisations. It is suggested that there should be less reliance on dubious metaphors borrowed from the business domain. Instead, a greater degree of theoretical eclecticism and conceptual discrimination should be used in understanding and developing public management.  相似文献   
533.
This study investigates the relationship between two primary motivational components of the self-concept: self-esteem and self-consistency. Past research has shown that high self-esteem is associated with greater consistency. Developed from theories of the self-concept, a structural model relating these two constructs was posited such that (1) self-esteem is causally prior to self-consistency, and (2) the effect of self-esteem is (at least partially) mediated by other components of the self-concept (self-consciousness, the tendency to fantasize, and the tendency to present a false front by hiding one's feelings). Utilizing a structural equation model with unobserved variables, an analysis of covariance structures was applied simultaneously but separately to data from a sample of boys and girls (ages 8–19). Results showed that the direct effect of self-esteem on self-consistency was stronger for boys than for girls. Further, the mediational properties of the other self-concept components also varied across gender. These differences are interpreted in light of theories of gender socialization.The research reported in this article was funded by a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health (MH 27747) to Morris Rosenberg. A version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Chicago, Illinois, August 17–21, 1987. Analysis was facilitated by the Computer Center, Brown University, and the Computer Science Center, University of Maryland.Received Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His major research interest include the self-concept of young children, fairness in social relationships, and impression management.  相似文献   
534.
Major public sector changes in Australia and New Zealand over the past decade have produced significant shifts in the beliefs, training and outlook of public servants. Using data from surveys in 1986–87 and 1994–95, this article tracks key attitudinal changes. It finds more marked change in Wellington than in Canberra, perhaps reflecting the more radical public sector agenda on that side of the Tasman  相似文献   
535.
536.
A persistent fear regarding school choice is that it will lead to more racially distinctive schools. A growing number of studies compares choosing households to non‐choosing households, but few have examined the possibility that choosers sort themselves out based upon school preferences that are correlated with race and ethnicity. This report addresses this issue by analyzing the responses of 1,006 charter school households in Texas. It first examines the expressed preferences of choosing households, then compares expressed preferences with behavior. A comparison of the characteristics of the traditional public schools that choosers leave with the characteristics of the charter schools they choose indicates that race is a good predictor of the choices that choosing households make. Whites, African Americans, and Latinos transfer into charter schools where their groups comprise between 11 and 14 percentage points more of the student body than the traditional public schools they are leaving. © 2002 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
537.
There has not been much formal or empirical research on the impact of ColdWar–era arms transfers on regional subsystems, and the work that has been undertaken is inconclusive: arms transfers appear, in some cases, to promote stability, but in other situations they are shown to be destabilizing. This study confronts the issue directly by developing and testing both stability and instability models of Superpower (U.S. and USSR) and third-country arms transfers. The models examine the effects of exported arms on the political and military relationships between three sets of rival importers—India-Pakistan, Iran-Iraq, and Ethiopia-Somalia—during the 1950–1991 period. Tests of the models with recently released arms trade data reveal that the weapons shipments of the U.S. and USSR were profoundly destabilizing, while those of third parties generally had little impact on subsystem political and military relationships. An intriguing exception to these patterns is the weaponstransfers of the PRC, specifically to Pakistan: these are found to have lessened the military imbalance between Pakistan and India, suggesting that the PRC's reputation as an irresponsible exporter deserves further review.  相似文献   
538.
This analysis assesses the effects of campaign activity, measured in terms of the campaign expenditures of candidates, on the outcomes of state legislative elections. The research utilizes election results from the 1978 elections for the state houses in California and Iowa. In addition, the investigation specifies the influence of partisan strength and incumbency on election outcomes. Two multiple regression models are estimated, one in which the partisan vote outcome is the dependent variable and one in which the vote of challengers is the dependent variable. Although the results of the inquiry underscore the partisan character of state legislative races, they also show that, akin to congressional contests, a challenger's campaign spending can sometimes have a greater effect on the voting outcome than the incumbent's spending. But these state legislative elections are largely partisan affairs in which bringing home the votes mainly involves support for political parties in the legislative districts and the intensity of campaign efforts represented by campaign expenditures.  相似文献   
539.
Gleason  Gregory 《Publius》1992,22(3):141-163
A plan for the most ambitious political reform in Soviet historywas approved by the USSR's parliament in late 1988. As the reformunfolded, a key component came to be what Mikhail S. Gorbachevcalled "a renewed federal structure. "Reform proponents arguedthat only a renewed federalism could provide for the continuedintegrity of the Soviet state while assuring greater responsivenessto local demands. However, the attempt to breathe life intothe USSR's pseudo-federal structure unleashed long-suppressednationalist, territorial, and localist sentiments. Beginningin 1990, "refederalization" passed from mainly rhetorical discussionto a plan for a more loosely organized federation under theauspices of a Union Treaty. Following the attempted coup d'étatby Kremlin hard-liners in August 1991, pressures for decentralizationled, in the closing weeks of 1991, to the complete abandonmentof the "Great Soviet experiment." With the demise of the USSR,the plan for federal redesign was superseded by the rapid emergenceof independent states.  相似文献   
540.
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