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61.
The paper analyzes everyday life as an arena of politics and choice as a form of everyday power. The paper discusses the theoretical
debate on choice and everyday life as depoliticization mechanisms and claims, as opposed to the prevailing theory, that choices
made in everyday life form politics of small things. In the various choices that women make and the way they conduct their
everyday lives, they offer an alternative sociopolitical order based on a conscious, intentional choice. The experience of
Palestinian woman citizens of Israel living in cities of mixed Jewish and Palestinian populations serves as the field of study.
I argue that the choice to live in a mixed city and everyday life in this city constitutes an alternative life space for Arab–Palestinian
women that allows them to express their opposition to both their own society and the larger Jewish society and, at the same
time, serves as a setting for social change. Arab–Palestinian women utilize the space of the mixed city to forge new ways
for themselves and their families to structure gender relations, feminine identity, class identity, and Palestinian national
identity in a largely ethnonational and gendered unequal society.
相似文献
Hanna HerzogEmail: |
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Rational choice accounts of political participation identify two major solutions to ‘the paradox of participation’: collective incentives and selective incentives. Prior findings regarding the viability of these solutions are seemingly inconclusive and contradictory. One important reason for this could be that the applicability of these solutions varies across participatory modes. In this article, a first attempt is made to develop a theoretical answer to the question of why this may be the case. The predictions are then tested across four different modes of participation, using longitudinal data that eliminate or reduce the biases inherent in cross‐sectional designs. The results show different types of incentives to strike with distinctly variable force across different modes of participation. Most importantly, whereas electoral modes of participation (voting and party activity) are affected by selective incentives only, the non‐electoral modes (contacting and manifestations) are the consequence of both collective and selective incentives. 相似文献
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In the past few decades, many sector‐specific case studies have been conducted on the use of consultants in the public sector. However, the overall picture of the qualitative changes facilitated by consultants remains fragmented, and a comprehensive framework on how “consultocracy” affects governance is lacking. This article shows how the increased use of consultants has impacted the operational logics of public administration and governance at large. Drawing from a large multisectoral case study from Finland as well as existing studies, a fourfold typology of how consultocracy shapes public administration is introduced. We argue that increased reliance on consultants contributes to the monopolization and privatization of public knowledge and ensuing dependencies, erosion of tacit knowledge, weakening of accountability, and strengthening of instrumental rationality. This research emphasizes the importance of understanding the links between these developments and the need to implement a comprehensive research agenda on consultocracy. 相似文献
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Yosef Bhatti Kasper M. Hansen Dietlind Stolle Hanna Wass 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(1):61-81
Becoming a parent is a profound change in one’s life that likely has consequences for political mobilization. This paper focuses on the earliest stages of parenthood, which have rarely been theorized nor empirically investigated. Close to childbirth, there may be substantial demobilizing effects due to hospital stays, immediate childcare responsibilities, parenting distress and the physical burden of pregnancy and childbirth. It is unclear how sizeable these effects are on political demobilization as well as the extent to which they are long-lasting. Based on two individual-level register datasets from Denmark and Finland, we compare the voter turnout among parents in local elections across different dates of childbirth. We find a robust negative short-term effect. We also find that the recovery periods after childbirth are differentiated by gender, illustrating a somewhat stronger demobilizing effect of early stages of motherhood compared to the early stages of fatherhood. There are also some indications that recovery periods after childbirth are slower for women with higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Our study shows that childbearing and childbirth have strong demobilizing, although mostly temporary, implications for electoral participation, even in these strong welfare states. 相似文献
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Nathan Hanna 《Law and Philosophy》2008,27(2):123-150
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