Who should be called to account for good governance in Africa?

Accountability has been identified as one of the most serious issues in the new democracies. Typically, assessments of the strength of democratic accountability in Africa rarely go beyond the elected and their election. This article argues that an examination of accountability needs to be widened to include all who make decisions that affect the community leaving them with no effective choice, whether they are elected to do so as representatives, or do so in a private capacity as power holders. The reasons are theoretical, empirical and pragmatic. Though the argument is primarily concerned with considering where the limits of the democratic ideal should be fixed, some examples are given of the gap between democratic ideals and actually existing democracy in sub‐Saharan Africa. They reveal a wide variation and contradictions in the actual practice of accountability, so reinforcing the point that attempts to assess the measure of accountability must be multi‐dimensional.     

The Reinvention of Australian Federal Policing in the Pursuit of National Security

Commonwealth policing, since its turbulent emergence in Australia in 1917, has shown both a keen capacity to suppress dissent and a remarkable ability to reinvent itself in a variety of forms. Its present nomenclature of the Australian Federal Police (AFP) arose from an alleged terrorist incident: the 1978 Sydney Hilton bombing.

This article argues that the fragmented AFP faced an ill‐defined and uncertain future in the early 1990s. Since September 11, the revamped AFP, however, has claimed primacy as Australia's leading law enforcement agency, but remains susceptible to government pressure. Contemporary Australian debate has focused on intelligence agency legislation, but limited analysis has addressed the AFP's changing role, expanded powers and significantly increased budgetary resources. As terrorism, national security and people smuggling have become the new “law and order'’ federal agenda, the AFP, straining to accomplish both domestic and regional functions, has extended its transnational, off‐shore policing strategies and intervention.     

Policing protest,security and freedom: the 2014 G20 experience

This article examines the policing of a major international political event (the G20 Meetings in Brisbane, Australia in 2014) from the perspective of the police and representatives of demonstrator groups who participated in the event. The article locates the policing of the 2014 G20 meetings within the history of the policing of major international political meetings in other countries. It analyses the legal framework within which the policing of the Brisbane G20 meeting was undertaken, comparing and contrasting these with legal frameworks developed for similar meetings and associated demonstrations in other jurisdictions. In the case of the Australian G20 Act, the legislation prioritized security over human rights, including the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. The strategies and planning processes applied by police in the lead up to the G20 are discussed, including the efforts made to ensure policing responses were respectful of the democratic rights of protesters. Drawing on interview and other data, the article reveals a diversity of perspectives on the ‘human rights’ policing and dialogue models, and provides an assessment of ‘Operation Southern Cross’ based on the post-event review of the G20 legislation undertaken by the Queensland Crime and Corruption Commission. The authors conclude that the policing of G20, based on extensive dialogue and minimization of coercive public order strategies, fostered a peaceful G20 event. The article concludes with observations about the perceived success of G20 policing in Australia, and indicates some lessons learned for best practice policing for future global events.     

Fentanyl concentrations in 23 postmortem cases from the hennepin county medical examiner's office

The purpose of this study was to compare blood fentanyl concentrations in fentanyl-related deaths with fentanyl concentrations found incidentally at autopsy, as well as with fentanyl concentrations found in hospitalized patients receiving fentanyl. Between the years 1997 to 2005, 23 fentanyl-positive postmortem cases were identified. Nineteen of 23 (82.6%) cases were deemed to be drug overdoses. Fentanyl alone was responsible for 8 of the 19 (42.1%) overdose deaths. Mean and median fentanyl concentrations were 36 (SD 38) microg/L and 22 microg/L, respectively, range 5-120 microg/L. Seven of the cases were accidental, one undetermined. The remaining 11 of the 19 (57.9%) cases were mixed drug overdoses. Fentanyl concentrations in these cases were 31 (SD 46) microg/L, range 5-152 microg/L. All of the mixed drug overdoses were determined to be accidental. Four cases where fentanyl was considered an incidental postmortem finding were determined to be natural deaths. In hospitalized inpatients (n = 11) receiving fentanyl 2 of the patients receiving fentanyl for chronic pain for more than 3 months had concentrations of 8.5 microg/L and 9.9 microg/L. The other nine inpatient concentrations were less than 4 microg/L. In conclusion, blood fentanyl concentrations found in cases where fentanyl alone was determined to be the cause of death were similar to cases where fentanyl was part of a mixed drug overdose. There was also considerable overlap between fentanyl concentrations in fentanyl-related overdose deaths compared to hospitalized patients being treated for chronic pain. Fentanyl concentrations in postmortem cases must be interpreted in the context of the deceased's past medical history and autopsy findings.     

Enabling the IPBES conceptual framework to work across knowledge boundaries

The IPBES conceptual framework (CF) serves an instrumental value to translate usable knowledge into policy across spatial scales, alongside a normative function to engage diverse knowledge systems, promoting inclusivity and enhancing legitimacy. It has been argued that the CF operates as a boundary object, a communication and organisation tool for those working across diverse knowledge systems, designed to help them reach shared goals. The paper focuses on this claim, exploring the three core characteristics of a boundary object: interpretive flexibility, material and organisational structure, and the recognition of dissention. We suggest that too much emphasis is placed within the CF upon interpretive flexibility, whilst meeting information needs and the work requirements of all individuals, groups and communities who use the CF are overlooked. By forcing consensus, the IPBES CF ignores the critical dimensions of a boundary object. We argue that embracing the full characteristics of a boundary object will enable the IPBES to support knowledge coproduction and translation across the knowledge systems, better achieving its goal of providing policy advice.     

Female student athletes’ perceptions of acceptability and the occurrence of sexual-related behaviour by their coaches in India

The current study assessed the perceptions of acceptable sexual behaviour of coaches and the occurrence of sexual harassment among female student in India. A sample of 180 Indian female student-athletes at intercollegiate and inter-university levels with male coaches participated in this study. A questionnaire on sport-specific Touch and Behaviour versus Unwanted Intimacy from coaches (Vanden Auweele et al., 2008), consisting of 41 items on a 5-point rating scale was used. The participants were asked to indicate the acceptability of specific coaching behaviour as well as the occurrence of the behaviour represented in each item. The acceptability of the behaviour was determined by means and standard deviations, while the occurrence was determined by frequencies. Factor analysis was performed to determine the structure of the coaches’ behaviour and athletes’ acceptability thereof, which yielded four factors. Cronbach’s alpha was used to determine the internal consistency of the extracted items on each factor. Two factors, namely, unwanted sexual behaviour and inappropriate verbal and physical sexual behaviour, were regarded by athletes as very serious and unacceptable coach behaviour, while a third factor represented context-dependent suspicious behaviour (a grey area in which athletes differ in their opinion) and was perceived to be serious and unacceptable. A fourth factor represented acceptable behaviour. The occurrence of very serious and unacceptable behaviour was reported by 31% of the female athletes.     

MAGNA CARTA AND THE AMERICAN POLITICAL IMAGINATION: TWO INSTANCES OF HABEAS CORPUS VINDICATED

Magna Carta has long been understood as a source of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and especially its enshrinement of the writ of habeas corpus — the right of any prisoner to test his or her detention according to the law. In the “Suspension Clause” of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8), Congress is granted permission to suspend habeas corpus only “when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” This article surveys two failed attempts by the U.S. government to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. The first (which was actually the very first such attempt) was in 1807 and followed revelations of the so-called Burr Conspiracy. The second (incidentally the most recent in American history) occurred during the War on Terror and culminated with the Supreme Court’s decision of Boumediene vs Bush in 2008. A close examination of these two historical episodes reveals just how different were the constitutional processes of the early republic and contemporary times. Additionally, comparing the uses of Magna Carta during the two episodes demonstrates marked changes in American political culture. Historical consciousness, vital to early Americans’ understanding of their political system, has shifted to an elite level. Likewise, the protection of fundamental liberties has migrated from the popular branch of government (Congress) to the elite one (the Supreme Court). This article considers the implication of this shift in both constitutional processes and historical consciousness.     

Singing the same tune? International continuities and discontinuities in how police talk about using force

This article focuses on a research project conducted in six jurisdictions: England, The Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Venezuela, and Brazil. These societies are very different ethnically, socially, politically, economically, historically and have wildly different levels of crime. Their policing arrangements also differ significantly: how they are organised; how their officers are equipped and trained; what routine operating procedures they employ; whether they are armed; and much else besides. Most relevant for this research, they represent policing systems with wildly different levels of police shootings, Police in the two Latin American countries represented here have a justified reputation for the frequency with which they shoot people, whereas at the other extreme the police in England do not routinely carry firearms and rarely shoot anyone. To probe whether these differences are reflected in the way that officers talk about the use of force, police officers in these different jurisdictions were invited to discuss in focus groups a scenario in which police are thwarted in their attempt to arrest two youths (one of whom is a known local criminal) by the youths driving off with the police in pursuit, and concludes with the youths crashing their car and escaping in apparent possession of a gun, It might be expected that focus groups would prove starkly different, and indeed they were, but not in the way that might be expected. There was little difference in affirmation of normative and legal standards regarding the use of force. It was in how officers in different jurisdictions envisaged the circumstances in which the scenario took place that led Latin American officers to anticipate that they would shoot the suspects, whereas officers in the other jurisdictions had little expectation that they would open fire in the conditions as they imagined them to be.

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the Trauma Risk Management approach to post-traumatic stress disorder in the British military: masculinity,biopolitics and depoliticisation

This paper discusses the political implications of the British military’s Trauma Risk Management (TRiM) approach to personnel suffering from combat-related mental debilities such as post-traumatic stress disorder. Drawing on narratives that emerged from qualitative interviews with trained TRiM practitioners and military welfare workers, I tease out some of the assumptions and beliefs about mental health and mental illness that underpin this mental health intervention programme. I explore TRiM as a biopolitical strategy targeted towards the construction of a particular conceptualisation of mental wellness and militarised masculine personhood. As a biopolitical strategy, I argue that TRiM plays an important role in the construction of ideas around mental well-being and mental frailty that best enable the operation of military power in the contemporary British context. I discuss the narrative of transformation in militarised models of masculinity that emerge from discussions of TRiM, and highlight the important political function that this plays in enabling and legitimating militarism. Finally, I draw attention to the ways in which the focus on individual and cultural factors, rather than war as the primary cause of difficulties for servicemen experiencing psychological distress, functions to neutralise the potential trouble that could be instigated for the British military by the bodies of servicemen psychologically damaged by their experiences of conflict.