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931.
This is the second of a two-part analysis of generational wartime mental health crises. Wartime mental health crisis has been defined as a sentinel public health event whereby mental health demand of the military population demonstrably exceeds the mental health system’s capacity to provide adequate access to timely, effective mental health and social support services during and/or after a period of war. The present study extends an analysis that substantiated a twenty-first century wartime crisis by investigating the hypothesis of repetitive mental health crises following every major American war since the 20th century. Compelling evidence of recurring generational crises is established by citing first-hand primary sources from wartime cohorts. A clear trend emerged, possibly linking the pattern of wartime crises with generations of self-reported failure to learn well-documented war trauma lessons (e.g., the need to adequately plan, prepare, and train for inevitable war stress casualties). The authors discuss the need for further research that would elucidate so-called “psychiatric lessons of war” and contribute to the prevention of cyclic crises. 相似文献
932.
How Aspiration to Office Conditions the Impact of Government Participation on Party Platform Change 下载免费PDF全文
Gijs Schumacher Marc van de Wardt Barbara Vis Michael Baggesen Klitgaard 《American journal of political science》2015,59(4):1040-1054
Considerable ambiguity exists regarding the effect of government/opposition status on party platform change. Existing theories predict that (1) it has no effect, (2) opposition parties change more, (3) opposition parties change more after several spells in opposition, and (4) parties’ responses vary because of different goal orientations. We propose that a party's aspiration to office, measured by its historical success or failure in entering office, determines a party's reaction to being in opposition or government. We hypothesize that, because of loss aversion, parties with low office aspiration change more when they are in government than when they are in opposition. Conversely, parties with high office aspiration change more as opposition party than as government party. We find evidence for these hypotheses through a pooled time‐series cross‐sectional analysis of 1,686 platform changes in 21 democracies, using the Comparative Manifesto Data and an innovative measure of party platform change. 相似文献
933.
Maurice Gesthuizen Tom van der Meer & Peer Scheepers 《Scandinavian political studies》2009,32(2):121-142
This article focuses on the core theory recently proposed by Putnam on the relationship between ethnic diversity and dimensions of social capital. Hypotheses are derived from this theory, but also from other theories that propose competing hypotheses on relationships between national characteristics and dimensions of social capital. Essentially, the authors propose more rigorous empirical tests of Putnam's hypotheses by including these competing hypotheses: tests of these hypotheses provide possibilities to evaluate Putnam's and these other theories in terms of general (i.e. cross‐national) tenability for the European continent. The general question is: To what extent do national‐level characteristics like ethnic diversity, next to other national characteristics, actually affect dimensions of social capital of individual citizens in European countries? The authors set out to answer this question by testing hypotheses on cross‐national data from 28 European countries. These data contain valid measurements of a number of dimensions of social capital. The individual‐level data are enriched with contextual‐ (i.e. national‐) level characteristics to be included in more advanced multilevel analyses. The main finding is that Putnam's hypothesis on ethnic diversity must be refuted in European societies. Instead, it is found that economic inequality and the national history of continuous democracy in European societies turn out to be more important for explaining cross‐national differences in social capital in Europe. 相似文献
934.
935.
936.
Lichtwarck-Aschoff A Finkenauer C van de Vorst H Engels RC 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2012,41(4):449-459
This article reports on a longitudinal study investigating gender differences in the association between maternal disclosure
and adolescents’ depressive symptoms. Little research has examined the relationship of parental disclosure to adolescents’
depressive symptoms and research on sex differences is particularly lacking. In a sample of 428 families with a mean age of
13.36 (52% female) of the target adolescents, maternal and children’s disclosure and depressive symptoms were assessed twice
with an interval of 4 years. Controlling for the quality of the parent–child relationship and levels of maternal depressive
symptoms, the analyses revealed an interaction effect for child’s gender, moderating the effect of maternal disclosure on
adolescents’ depressive symptoms. Higher levels of maternal disclosure were accompanied by lower levels of depressive symptoms
in girls and higher levels of depressive symptoms in boys. Gender differences in socialization, communication, individuation
and social networks might explain why daughters and sons are differently affected by maternal disclosure. 相似文献
937.
This paper explores the visual construction and representation of co-accused women offenders in court drawings. It utilises three case studies of female co-defendants who appeared in the England and Wales court system between 2003 and 2013. In doing so this paper falls into three parts. The first part considers the emergence of the sub-discipline, visual criminology and examines what is known about the visual representation of female offenders. The second part presents the findings of an empirical investigation, which involved engaging in a critical, reflexive visual analysis of a selection of court drawings of three female co-offenders. The third part discusses the ways in which the court artists' interpretation, the conventions of court sketching, and motifs of female offenders as secondary actors, drew on existing myths and prejudices by representing the women as listening, remorseless ‘others’. 相似文献
938.
Forty years after the beginning of the Khmer Rouge regime, the recent Trial Chamber judgment in case 002/01 before Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) has provided legal recognition of the devastating violence of the forced population movements. However, despite the undoubted significance of the judgment, it represents a missed opportunity to more fully reflect issues of gender. The article argues that in order to capture the plurality of gendered experiences it is necessary to foreground a social understanding of harm. Drawing on civil party oral testimony, the article begins to surface gendered experiences of the social harms of familial separation and starvation of family members, harms that have often remained silenced in international criminal law. In doing so it seeks to contribute to emerging feminist discourse on broader gendered harms and illustrates the need for further scrutiny of the approach of the ECCC. 相似文献
939.
In many countries, local government size is increasingly thought to be insufficient to operate efficiently. Two possible solutions to this problem are amalgamation and intermunicipal cooperation. This paper applies a novel methodology to shed light on the efficiency implications of this choice. Using a unique and rich micro-level dataset, we find that intermunicipal organisations (IOs) in the Netherlands consistently pay higher interest rates than municipalities, while there is no economic reason to do so. We interpret this as a form of inefficiency. Municipal amalgamation, on the other hand, does not result in higher interest rates. Our analysis eliminates one possible explanation, dispersed ownership of IOs, as the number of partners cooperating in an IO does not affect interest rates (no ‘law of 1/n’). This leaves the introduction of extra hierarchical layers as a result of cooperation, and the ensuing reduction in monitoring, as the most probable explanation. 相似文献
940.
Robbie?ShilliamEmail author 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2016,29(3):251-267
Liberal education is in crisis as neoliberal logics continue to shape the purpose and practice of higher education. But despite invocations of its contemporary ‘global’ context, very few commentators engage the current crisis through the provocations of postcolonial studies. A key element of postcolonial critique draws attention to the ways in which the modern humanities and social sciences are colonially inflected traditions of knowledge production. Taking this critique as a point of departure, I aim to show that the critical response to the crisis prompted by the neoliberal agenda is inadequate in so far as there has been insufficient acknowledgement that modern liberal education wishes to suture and save a public culture that is racially exclusionary. To open up this space of inquiry, I focus on the thought and practice of Edward Blyden. Born in St Thomas, Danish West Indies, Blyden migrates to Liberia. A prolific writer and educator, Blyden delivers, in 1881, his inaugural address as President of Liberia College entitled ‘The Aims and Methods of a Liberal Education for Africans’. What lessons for the present crisis might we draw from a nineteenth century Pan-Africanist advocate of liberal education? 相似文献