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Fifty serial killers who murdered for the primary goal of attaining sexual gratification, termed lust killers, were studied to determine the prevalence of childhood abuse. Information regarding the childhood abuse sustained by each killer was obtained primarily from biographical books, newspaper articles, and online sites. Abuse was categorized into physical abuse, sexual abuse, psychological abuse, and neglect and was then compared to societal norms from 2001. Abuse of all types excluding neglect was significantly higher in the serial killer population. For serial killers, the prevalence of physical abuse was 36%; sexual abuse was 26%; and psychological abuse was 50%. Neglect was equally prevalent in the serial killer (18%) and societal norm populations.  相似文献   
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Bahamas     
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The article introduces the reader to the many possible usesof the Bahamian foundation and provides an outlook to the proposedamendments to the Bahamian Foundations Act 2004.  相似文献   
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The existence of private trust companies in the jurisdictionhas, in recent years, become an important factor in attractingclients to that jurisdiction. Although private trust companiesare not a new idea, they have been frequently restricted tothose with a high minimum capital which has not made them worthwhilefor some trusts. The attraction of a PTC is that the settlor can establish hisown trustee as a separate legal person and thereby, probablyin conjunction with beneficiaries, enjoy more involvement inthe trust's administration. The representation of the settlorsand beneficiaries on the board of the directors of the PTC shouldavoid many of the conflicts which might arise between settlorsand beneficiaries and the trustees.  相似文献   
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Our article examines whether a politician charging a political candidate's implicit racial campaign appeal as racist is an effective political strategy. According to the racial priming theory, this racialized counterstrategy should deactivate racism, thereby decreasing racially conservative whites’ support for the candidate engaged in race baiting. We propose an alternative theory in which racial liberals, and not racially conservative whites, are persuaded by this strategy. To test our theory, we focused on the 2016 presidential election. We ran an experiment varying the politician (by party and race) calling an implicit racial appeal by Donald Trump racist. We find that charging Trump's campaign appeal as racist does not persuade racially conservative whites to decrease support for Trump. Rather, it causes racially liberal whites to evaluate Trump more unfavorably. Our results hold up when attentiveness, old‐fashioned racism, and partisanship are taken into account. We also reproduce our findings in two replication studies.  相似文献   
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