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Helene Aarseth 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2-3):133-143
This article addresses a proposed rupture between duty and desire in late modern intimacy: the optimistic account of liberated love propagated by Anthony Giddens (1991, 1992) on the one hand, and the feminist critique, among others presented by Lynn Jamieson (1998, 1999) on the other, that emphasizes a widened gap between ideals of pure love and a persistent gendered division of work. Drawing on a longitudinal study of egalitarian couples in Norwegian society, the article outlines an alternative picture. Faced with a noticeable erotization of work and an accentuated focus on the child as a project, neither negotiations for a fair distribution of practical duties nor the mutual disclosure and passion seem to provide the glue in these couples. Instead, the tensions between domestic responsibilities, heavy work requirements, and high expectations on emotional closeness seem to produce new configurations of commitment and desire. Rather than untying domestic necessities from passionate love, these couples transform the timebind into a narrative about shared projects. The achievements of these shared projects are twofold: they liberate the process of home‐making from the gendered narratives, and they permeate these de‐gendered narratives with a romantic spirit. By making these joint projects a focal point in their everyday lives, these couples have managed to reformulate both love and home‐making in a way that produces a committed “in‐between” in their intimate relationship, the overarching principle that is missing in Giddens' concept of confluent love. 相似文献
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Helene Moglen 《Women's studies international forum》1983,6(2):131-134
Feminists are understandably ambivalent about accepting and using power within mainstream hierarchical structures that support relationships of domination and inequity. Many feminists accept their membership in a marginalized group but are wary of relating to the dominant culture which threatens to absorb them. Instead, they emphasize the importance of empowering women by helping them to see the special values of their ‘proper sphere’. This position involves a choice to continue operating within the boundaries of women's oppression, since it ignores the extent to which language and consciousness, as well as the structures of power, are all socially determined. It seems more desirable for feminists to reject idealist views of female nature. Instead of disassociating ourselves from power, we should determine the ways in which power can itself be purged of its own crippling effects. An oppositional consciousness must be developed which allows engagement between those feminists at the margins and those who accept responsibility at the center. 相似文献
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Helene Helboe Pedersen 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):233-250
The subject of this article is the relationship between the central party organisation and the parliamentary party group. The article investigates whether Danish political parties are changing into parties dominated by their parliamentary party groups, as has been hypothesised. In contrast to most of the literature on party change, which is based on ideas of convergence caused by external changes, this article argues that party organisation is basically a party decision and therefore influenced by party preferences and characteristics. The analyses are based on data from the statutes of 16 Danish parties in over 50 years. One noteworthy finding is that Danish parties do not converge. Party ideology proves to be very important for the power structure of a party. Even though political parties are exposed to changing political circumstances they still organise according to their basic ideas about democracy and representation. 相似文献
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Helene Helboe Pedersen Darren Halpin Anne Rasmussen 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(3):408-427
This article focuses on the interaction between parliamentary committees and external actors. How is the interaction organised, and how does it influence which interests are voiced? The authors show that institutional variation in procedures for calling witnesses and variation in committee agendas influence both the composition of actors and the concentration of evidence. By composition of actors, they refer to the set of different actor types involved. By evidence concentration, they refer to the extent to which evidence is provided by a relatively small share of active actors. The study is based on a new data set of all contacts between parliamentary committees and external actors in one year across three countries: the United Kingdom, Denmark and the Netherlands. Interestingly, the findings show that procedures of invitation rather than open calls increase the diversity of actor composition and decrease the concentration of actor evidence. This, however, comes at a cost, since the overall volume of contacts is reduced. 相似文献
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Johannes Hedman Linda Albinsson Carina Ansell Helene Tapper Oskar Hansson Stig Holgersson Ricky Ansell 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,2(3):184-189
On January 1st, 2006, the Swedish legislation on obtaining DNA reference samples from suspects and the recording of DNA profiles in databases was changed. As a result the number of samples analysed at the Swedish National Laboratory of Forensic Science (SKL) increased from about 4500 in 2005 to more than 25,000 in 2006. To meet this challenge, SKL launched a new analysis system to create an unbroken chain, from sampling to incorporation of a profile in the national DNA database and subsequent automatic generation of digitally signed hit reports. The system integrates logistics, digital data transfer, new functions in LIMS (ForumDNA Version 4, Ida Infront AB) and laboratory automation. Buccal swab samples are secured on a FTA® card attached to an identity form, which is barcoded with a unique sample ID. After sampling, the police officer sends a digital request to SKL. The sample is automatically registered in LIMS and processed on delivery. The resulting DNA profiles are automatically classified according to quality using a custom-made expert system. Building the evaluation around mathematical rules makes it reproducible, standardised and minimises manual work and clerk errors. All samples are run in duplicate and the two profiles are compared within LIMS before incorporation in the database. In the first year of operation, the median time for completion of an analysis was 3 days, measured from delivery of the sample to incorporation of the profile in the national DNA database. In spite of the dramatic increase in the number of reference samples there was no backlog. 相似文献
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A key issue for interest groups and policymakers is the ways through which organized interests voice their interests and influence public policy. This article combines two perspectives on interest group representation to explain patterns of interest group access to different political arenas. From a resource exchange perspective, it argues that access to different political arenas is discrete as it is determined by the match between the supply and demands of interest groups and gatekeepers—politicians, bureaucrats, and reporters. From a partly competing perspective, it is argued that access is cumulative and converges around wealthy and professionalized groups. Based on a large‐scale investigation of group presence in Danish political arenas, the analyses show a pattern of privileged pluralism. This describes a system where multiple political arenas provide opportunities for multiple interests but where unequally distributed resources produce cumulative effects (i.e., the same groups have high levels of arena access). 相似文献