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排序方式: 共有473条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
331.
This article investigates the public debate over proposed U.S. legislation designed to give prosecutors and copyright holders new tools to pursue suspected online copyright violations. We compiled, mapped, and analyzed a set of 9,757 stories published over 16 months relevant to the Combating Online Infringement and Counterfeits Act (COICA), Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), and PROTECT IP Act (PIPA). This study applies a mixed-methods approach that combines text and link analysis with human coding and informal interviews to map the evolution of the controversy over time and to analyze the mobilization, roles, and interactions of various actors. We find a vibrant, diverse, and decentralized networked public sphere that exhibited broad participation, leveraged topical expertise, and successfully reframed a debate and focused public sentiment to shape national public policy. A network of small-scale commercial tech media, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and individuals fulfilled the fourth estate function; traditional media then amplified the work of these actors. The campaign involved substantial experimentation and rapid development of mobilization strategies. We observe an increased public awareness of an agenda originating in the networked public sphere, which emerged successfully despite substantial expenditures attempting to produce a mass media narrative that favored the legislation. Moreover, we witness what we call an attention backbone, in which more trafficked sites amplify less-visible individual voices on specific subjects. The data suggest that, at least in this case, the networked public sphere enabled a dynamic public discourse that involved both individual and organizational participants and offered substantive discussion of complex issues contributing to affirmative political action.  相似文献   
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334.
In the early 1990s, Victoria reformed its state sector along New Public Management (NPM) lines. Drawing on interviews with key policy‐makers of the time, including chief executives, ministers and key officials from both jurisdictions, and using archival material and secondary sources, this article shows that New Zealand developments were a key source for Victoria's reforms — even down to seemingly copying passages of legislation. Policy transfer took place within a supporting framework of an Anglo‐American diffusion of NPM rhetoric and neoliberal ideas. But New Zealand's experiences gave content, form and legitimation to Victoria's reforms, while providing a platform and experience for learning and divergence, and a group of transferable experts. We underline the importance of the Australia‐New Zealand relationship and trans‐Tasman elite networks in understanding the governance of both countries.  相似文献   
335.
Abstract

This study examined the content of reports provided for Mental Health Review Tribunals. A retrospective design was used to compare the tribunal reports of fifty patients. Two groups of twenty five patients were compared, one including patients discharged by tribunals and the other patients not discharged. Social combination theory and valence theory were used to analyse the content of the reports and to assess whether they were associated with tribunal outcome. Opinion statements discussing suitability for discharge were more closely associated with outcome than fact statements. For the statements presenting subjects positively or negatively, fact statements were more closely associated with outcome. The valence of both types of statements was also found to be related to outcome, with more positive values being achieved for discharged subjects. Comparison of reports written for previous tribunals before any of the subjects in the study were discharged indicated that those subjects who went on to be discharged at their next tribunal had the least negative valences. In addition to this, the effect of legal classification on outcome was explored, and indicated a difference in the valence of reports for discharged and not discharged patients, depending on classification of mental illness or psychopathic disorder.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Two experiments examined the realism in the confidence of 8–9-year-olds, 12–13-year-olds and adults in their free recall and answers to focused questions after viewing a short video clip. A different video clip was shown in each experiment and the focused questions differed in difficulty. In both experiments the youngest age group, in contrast to the two other age groups, showed no overconfidence in their confidence judgements for the free recall. The free recall results also showed that the youngest group had lower completeness but similar correctness as the adults. There was a tendency, over both experiments, for the participants to show poorer realism for the focused questions than for the free recall, especially when questions with content already mentioned in the free recall were excluded from the analyses of the focused questions in Experiment 1. The study shows the importance of question format when evaluating the credibility of the confidence shown by 8–9-year-old children in their own testimony.  相似文献   
337.
Abstract

The aims of this study were to assess the impact of public conceptions about the nature and coercive powers of hypnosis, and information regarding different approaches to hypnosis, on the plea of automatism through hypnosis in a criminal trial. Subjects were assigned to three groups. Two were presented with criminal cases in which automatism through hypnosis was implicated, as well as duress; one of these groups received information about different approaches to hypnosis. The third received the same cases, but with duress alone. Results showed that, when automatism through hypnosis was implicated as well as duress, the defendant offering the plea was judged less responsible, however, he was not judged less guilty than when duress alone was the defence. Also, subjects presented with the plea of automatism tended to be more sceptical about the idea than those not presented with this plea. The provision of information on different approaches to hypnosis was largely ineffective in altering beliefs and judgments. Judgments of guilt and responsibility were, however, strongly influenced by beliefs about automatism through hypnosis.  相似文献   
338.

Legislation on incitement of racial hatred is an essential instrument for counteracting racist and anti-Semitic spoken or written communications. In Sweden, the various provisions, which are not only to be found in the Penal Code but also in the Ordinance on Freedom of Expression and in constitutional law on the freedom of expression, are fundamental elements of the legislation against racism, anti-Semitism and similar forms of agitation. In these provisions the legislator has set limits to the freedom of expression as far as racism, anti-Semitism, etc., are concerned. This is true regardless of whether the communication is expressed orally, as printed matter, through other media or in other ways. It is not necessary for the communication to have been disseminated publicly for punishment to be incurred; it suffices that dissemination has taken place within a limited circle. The provision appeared in its initial form in 1948. With the advent of the 1965 Penal Code it was transferred from the former Punishment Law to the new Code and has subsequently been modified in 1970, 1982 and 1988. It should be noted, however, that there is no provision for prior censorship. Each text, each symbol, each slogan, and so forth, must be adjudged by a court. The law in its basic form was sanctioned in 1956. The present article touches on trends concerning reported offences, trials and convictions during the 1990s. Unfortunately, it is not possible here to present statistics going further back in time, since the offence of incitement of racial hatred was not coded specifically in the crime statistics before that time. In the opening passages of the article, the advent of the law and important cases during the post-war period are discussed. The aim here is to describe how and why legislation has been used as well as the changes that have taken place over the past ten years.  相似文献   
339.
African American males experience poor academic performance, high absenteeism at school, and are at increased risk of being involved in violence than other racial groups. Given that the educational outlook for African American males appears bleak, it is important to assess the aspirations of these adolescent males in order to find the gap between aspirations and educational attainment. In order to promote positive development within this population, it is essential that factors that affect African American males be identified. A survey was administered to male students attending elementary, middle, and high schools in a local school district. A cross-sectional study was conducted to examine the career and educational aspirations of African American males. A total of 473 males were surveyed: 45% African American, 22% Caucasian, 13% biracial, and 19% Other (including Asian American, Hispanic, Native American). The results revealed that African American males aspired to attend college at the same rate as other ethnic groups. Also, African American males were more likely to aspire to be professional athletes than males from other ethnic groups. Important factors to consider when designing a program are discussed as well as future research and limitations.  相似文献   
340.
Helene Ehrhart 《Public Choice》2013,156(1-2):195-211
This article analyses the impact of the electoral calendar on the composition of tax revenue (direct versus indirect taxes). It thus represents an extension of traditional political budget-cycle analyses assessing the impact of elections on overall revenue. We appeal to the opportunistic political budget model of Drazen and Eslava (2010) to predict the relationship between taxation structure and elections. Panel data from 56 developing countries over the 1980–2006 period reveals a clear pattern of electorally-related policy interventions. Taking the potential endogeneity of election timing into account, we find robust evidence of lower indirect taxes being applied by incumbent governments in the period just prior to an election. Indirect tax revenue in election years is estimated to be 0.3 GDP percentage points lower than in other years, corresponding to a fall of about 3.4% of the average figure in the sample countries, while there is no such relationship with direct tax revenue.  相似文献   
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