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111.
Barak?ArielEmail author Alex?Sutherland Darren?Henstock Josh?Young Paul?Drover Jayne?Sykes Simon?Megicks Ryan?Henderson 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2016,12(3):453-463
Objectives
Our multisite randomized controlled trial reported that police body-worn cameras (BWCs) had, on average, no effect on recorded incidents of police use of force. In some sites, rates of use of force decreased and in others increased. We wanted to understand these counter-intuitive findings and report pre-specified subgroup analyses related to officers’ discretion on activating the BWCs.Methods
Using pre-established criteria for experimental protocol breakdown in terms of treatment integrity, ten experimental sites were subgrouped into “high-compliance” (no officer discretion applied to when and where BWCs should be used; n?=?3), “no-compliance” (treatment integrity failure in both treatment and control conditions; n?=?4), and tests where officers applied discretion during treatment group but followed protocol in control conditions only (n?=?4).Results
When officers complied with the experimental protocol and did not use discretion, use of force rates were 37 % lower [SMD?=?(?.346); SE?= .137; 95?% CI (?.614) – (?.077)]; when officers did not comply with treatment protocol (i.e., officers chose when to turn cameras on/off), use of force rates were 71 % higher [SMD?= .392; SE?= .130; 95?% CI (.136) – (.647)], compared to control conditions. When full discretion (i.e., overall breakdown of protocol) was applied to both treatment and control conditions, null effects were registered [SMD?= .009; SE=.070; 95?% CI (?.127) – (.146)], compared to control conditions.Conclusions
BWCs can reduce police use of force when then officers’ discretion to turn cameras on or off is minimized—in terms of both case types as well as individual incidents. BWCs ought to be switched on and the recording announced to suspects at early stages of police–public interactions. Future BWCs tests should pay close attention to adherence to experimental protocols.112.
Elections to regional assemblies have become increasingly important as the power and responsibilities of regional governments have increased. Yet, few studies have attempted to explain the considerable variation in turnout in regional elections from one region to another. This article conducts a cross-sectional examination of voter participation in regional elections across nine multi-level OECD states between 2003 and 2006. It contends that standard models of voter turnout in national elections are insufficient to explain variation in turnout in regional elections and argues for the use of independent variables tailored to capture variation across regional communities and regional political institutions. Our findings suggest that variations in the strength of political autonomy and the strength of attachment to the region among the electorate have a strong and positive impact on the level of turnout in regional elections. 相似文献
113.
Out-of-school suspension continues to disconnect an overwhelming number of economically disadvantaged ethnic minority (EDEM) youth from school—leading to out-of-school placement. Youth communities and localities may provide alternative spaces for suspended youth and create opportunities for prosocial engagement and support. The present study employed participant observation and interviews to explore suspended youth sense of social connectedness in a community-based intervention program in the United States. Findings illustrate psychosocial assets and youth sense of social connectedness emerged from relational bonds and a structural culture enforcing a nurturing and inclusive environment. A discussion on improving the capacity of community-based organizations to address the needs of suspended youth follows. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT Attorney recommendations influence defendant plea decisions; and the degree of influence likely rests on the perceived trustworthiness and level of expertise of the attorney (factors of source credibility). We explored attorney source credibility factors and how these characteristics influence defendants’ plea decision-making. MTurk participants read a hypothetical plea scenario and were asked to imagine themselves as the defendant in a DWI/DUI case making a plea decision; in the scenario, we manipulated the defense attorney’s level of trustworthiness, expertise, and plea recommendation. There was a significant interaction between attorney recommendation and trustworthiness on defendants’ plea decisions; participants who were advised to accept the guilty plea were more likely to plead guilty when the attorney was high in trustworthiness compared to low in trustworthiness. Attorney trustworthiness did not affect plea decisions for defendants advised to reject the guilty plea. Importantly, attorney trustworthiness affected defendants’ decision to follow the attorney’s recommendation and ultimate plea decision (regardless of expertise), and attorney expertise affected defendants’ confidence in their decision (regardless of trustworthiness). Results suggest individual-level characteristics of defense attorneys affect the influence of the attorney and their recommendation, and ultimately defendants’ plea decision-making. 相似文献
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David R. Henderson 《Society》2014,51(3):268-273
Contrary to the views of some libertarians, “libertarian paternalism” is not an oxymoron. But are its two most prominent advocates, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein, really libertarian paternalists or are they paternalists in sheep’s clothing? Thaler seems to be somewhat of a libertarian paternalist whereas Sunstein appears to be more of a straight coercive paternalist. But even Thaler passes up major chances to advocate reducing straight paternalism by making it more libertarian. Those who favor freedom should not reject the concept of libertarian paternalism altogether. Instead they should apply the concept more consistently than Thaler and Sunstein have doneand use it to push for a less coercive government. Indeed, the fact that government officials who plan our lives also have human foibles argues for less government, not true. 相似文献
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This article provides a systematic analysis of the extent to which political, economic, and cultural factors are associated
with civil wars in sub-Saharan African states. Drawing on a theoretical argument that associates the likelihood of civil war
with the tumult that arises from the simultaneous challenges of state building and nation building, several testable propositions
are derived on the correlates of African civil wars. Results of logistic regression analyses indicate that previous colonial
experience is a significant predictor to the likelihood of civil wars. It is also found that economic development reduces
the probability of civil war while militarization increases it. Regime type played no significant role in African civil wars.
Similarly, no support was found for the thesis that cultural factors are significantly associated with African civil war,
which belies the notion that African civil wars are simply “ethnic conflicts.” It appears that politico-economic factors—instead
of cultural ones—give rise to civil wars in Africa.
Errol A. Henderson, Ph.D. is Associate Professor of Political Science, Wayne State University. He has published articles on
international war, foreign policy, domestic conflict, and international political economy inInternational Studies Quarterly, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research, Journal of Politics, Peace & Change, andWorld Affairs. 相似文献
120.